Parliament met on the 23rd of November. In allusion to these disturbances the prince regent remarked in his speech:—“I regret to have been under the necessity of calling you together at this period of the year; but the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manufacturing districts of the country have been continued with increased activity since you last assembled in Parliament. They have led to proceedings incompatible with the public tranquillity, and with the peaceful habits of the industrious classes of the community; and a spirit is now fully manifested, utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and aiming at not only the change of those political institutions which have hitherto constituted the pride and security of this country, but at the subversion of the rights of property and of all order in society. I have given directions that the necessary information on this subject shall be laid before you; and I feel it to be my indispensable duty to press on your immediate attention the consideration of such measures as may be requisite for the counteraction and suppression of a system, which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation.” The regent promised to lay before parliament all the information requisite to direct them in their deliberations, and pressed on the attention of lords and commons, the enactment of such regulations as might tend to suppress the evil. An amendment to the address was moved in the upper house by Earl Grey; in which, whilst the necessity of checking practices dangerous to the constitution was admitted, a strong opinion was expressed of the expediency of conciliation, and of inquiry into the transactions of Manchester, to allay the feelings to which they had given birth, and satisfy the people that their lives could not be sacrificed with impunity. Lord Sidmouth, in reply, stated that there had been more exaggeration, misrepresentation, and falsehood applied to the transactions at Manchester, &c., than to any other public transaction in his knowledge. His lordship defended both the magistrates and yeomanry, denying that they had done anything beyond their duty. The greatest authorities maintained, he said, that the magistrates were justified in the orders they had given, and that the meetings at which the disturbances took place were illegal. The original address was carried by one hundred and thirty-nine against thirty-four, and in the commons, ministers were equally triumphant. A similar address to Earl Grey’s, was moved by Mr. Tierney, and was rejected by a large majority. The mover of this address drew a melancholy picture of the state of the country, affirming that ministers had brought it to the verge of ruin, Lord Castlereagh declined following him in his remarks on the state of the country, because the only definite proposition offered, was one for inquiry into the transactions at Manchester, respecting which he should lay a mass of information before the house on the next day and explain the measures contemplated by government. On the next day the promised documents were produced; consisting partly in the correspondence of official persons with the home secretary, and partly in communications made by parties whose names were not made known. The letters from the Manchester magistrates set forth that apprehensions were entertained of a formidable insurrection being in contemplation. At the same time they bore testimony to the alarming distress of the manufacturing classes, and assigned hunger as a natural inducement with the poor to adopt pernicious doctrines, as projects for the amelioration of their sufferings. Other depositions stated that the practice of secret training prevailed to a great extent among the reformers, but merely with a view of enabling themselves to march in the semblance of military array to their meetings, sticks being their only weapons. Lord Fitzwilliam stated in a communication that in the West Riding of Yorkshire the rage for seditious assemblies might be safely left to die away of itself, as the good sense of the people already began to feel they were in error. Sir John Byng, military commander of the district, stated, that simultaneous meetings were to be held in various towns, but that the plan had been frustrated by the disunion existing among the leaders. Other communications represented that pistols, pikes, and other weapons were being manufactured in the factious districts, both in England and Scotland. Finally, the grand jury of Cheshire expressed the alarm which was felt in that county for life and property by his majesty’s subjects. This body of evidence having been submitted to the two houses, ministers proceeded to open their measures of defence. As a preliminary step, the lord chancellor introduced a bill for the purpose of taking away from such as should be tried for seditious practices the right of traversing; allowing the court, however, to postpone the trial, on his showing reason for delay. Against this measure as well as others in preparation, Earl Grey entered his protest; they being calculated, he said, to bring misery, if not ruin on the country. On the second reading of the bill it was opposed by Lords Erskine and Liverpool: and Lord Holland urged on ministers the necessity of legislating on both sides of the question, so as to prevent the delays which occurred in prosecutions on ex-officio informations, as well as in those of indictment. In compliance with this suggestion, the lord chancellor, on the third reading, proposed an additional clause, compelling the attorney-general to bring a defendant to trial within a year, or to enter into a noli-prosequi, and the bill thus amended passed without further opposition. The additional measures introduced in the upper house by Lord Sidmouth, and in the commons by Lord Castlereagh were to the following effect:—“An act to render the publication of a blasphemous or seditious libel punishable, on a second conviction, at the discretion of the court, by fine, imprisonment, banishment, or transportation; and to give power, in cases of a second conviction, to seize the copies of the libel in possession of the publisher: a stamp duty, equal to that paid by newspapers, on all publications of less than a given number of sheets, with an obligation on all publishers of such pieces to enter into recognizances for the payment of such penalties as might be in future inflicted on them.” The press being thus restrained, seditious meetings were to be controlled by the following provisions:—“That a requisition for holding of any meeting other than those regularly called by a sheriff, boroughreeve, or other magistrate, should be signed by seven householders: and that it should be illegal for any persons not inhabitants of the place in which such meeting was held to attend it: also, that magistrates should be empowered, within certain limitations, to appoint the time and place of meeting.” To repel danger from the muster of an illegal force, it was proposed to prohibit military training, except under the authority of a magistrate or lieutenant of the county; and in the disturbed districts, to give to magistrates a power of seizing arms believed to be collected for unlawful purposes, and also to apprehend and detain persons so carrying arms. All these bills met with stern opposition, except that for the prevention of secret military training. A clause in the act concerning blasphemous and seditious libels, which decreed the punishment of transportation on a second conviction was withdrawn in the commons, but the penalty of banishment, hitherto unknown in England, was enacted in its stead. The seditious meeting bill was also subjected to a modification, by which all meetings held in a room or building were exempted from its operations. Several alterations, moreover, were admitted into that which subjected small publications to the newspaper stamp duty.
MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
After passing the celebrated “six acts,” the Marquess of Lansdowne moved for a select committee to inquire into the state of the nation, and especially in those districts where distress and radicalism prevailed. His lordship said that the principle called radicalism existed in exactly the same proportion as that of distress in the respective districts; and that he had a right to infer this from the agricultural part of the country being yet untainted, and from the spirit of the principle having reached its height in the manufacturing districts both of England and Scotland. The distress, he thought, arose from the long war, which gave us the carrying trade of the world, and which created a fixed capital, which still existed, and filled the markets, while no vent could be found for their produce. It was also increased, he thought, by the poor laws, the paper currency, and the spirit of speculation. Two propositions were enforced by his lordship on the house for the alleviation of the distress: namely, to rescind the duties on articles which had decreased in various districts, as tea &c.; and the establishment of favourable commercial treaties, which government had not yet succeeded in accomplishing. The Marquess Wellesley deprecated all such inquiries, as did other noble lords, and the motion was negatived by a large majority.
GEORGE III. 1818—1820
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
Although the time appeared very unfavourable for a discussion on reform, yet Lord John Russell called the attention of the commons to the unrepresented towns, many of which had risen into great commercial wealth and importance, while certain boroughs which sent representatives to parliament, had fallen into decay. His lordship adduced examples from history, to show that the principle of change had been often acknowledged, and the suffrage withdrawn and conferred on various occasions. He proposed several resolutions in accordance with them, the last being for the disfranchisement of Grampound, the corruption of which borough was notorious. At the suggestion of Lord Castlereagh, who appeared willing to concur in the motion to a certain extent, Lord John withdrew his motion; but he subsequently brought in a bill for the disfranchisement of Grampound, and the transfer of its privileges to some populous town, the second reading of which was deferred until after the Christmas recess.