In a former session, Mr. Hume had obtained the passing of an act repealing both the statute and common law concerning combinations among workmen. This act was attended with mischievous effects; and therefore, during this session, Mr. Huskisson called the attention of the house to the subject. In his speech he detailed some painful reports regarding it which had been forwarded to the secretary of the home department: reports which went to show that the most atrocious acts of outrage and violence had been committed by workmen on their employers. Misconceiving the real object of the legislature in the late act, they had, he said, manifested a disposition against the masters, and a tendency to proceedings destructive of the property and business of the latter. This disposition, if it remained unchecked, he asserted, would produce the greatest mischiefs in the country; and the evil was growing to so alarming a pitch in some districts that if not speedily arrested, it would soon become a subject for Mr. Peel to deal with in the exercise of his official functions. As a general principle, he admitted that every man had a right to carry his own labour to the best market, as labour was the poor man’s capital. On the other hand, he contended for the perfect freedom of those who gave employment to them; whose property, machinery, and capital ought to be protected. Mr. Huskisson entered into details to show the nature of the system which was acted upon in several quarters. Associations were formed, he said, which, if persevered in and prosecuted successfully, must terminate in the ruin of the very men who were parties to them. The associations had their delegates, their presidents, their committees of management, and every other sort of functionary comprised in the plan of a government. By one article in a set of regulations it was provided, he remarked, “that the delegates from all the different works should assemble at one and the same place,” on certain occasions; so that it was not the combination of all the workmen of one employer against him, or even of one whole trade against the masters, but systematic union of the workmen of many different trades, and a delegation from each of them to one central meeting. Thus there was established as against the employers a formal system of delegation, a kind of federal republic, all the trades being represented by delegates, who formed a sort of congress. Another regulation which Mr. Huskisson noticed was to this effect:—“Each delegate shall be paid out of his own work with, these exceptions only—the president, the secretary, and the treasurer are to be paid out of the general funds.” The delegates are elected for six months, and may be re-elected. Here he remarked was a tax levied upon each workman for the maintenance of general funds applicable to purposes of a most mischievous character. Other articles declared that it was the duty of the delegates to point out the masters disliked, and to warn such masters of the danger in which they were placed in consequence of this combination. Here, Mr. Huskisson rightly observed, was an acknowledgment of the dangerous nature of these associations. But, he asked, what followed? Why another duty of the delegates was to try everything which prudence might dictate to put the disliked masters out of the trade: not everything which fairness and justice might dictate to workmen who sought to to obtain a redress of grievances, but everything which “prudence” might dictate. In such a position, “prudence” must be understood as implying that degree of precaution that might prevent the “Union” from being brought within a breach of the law, such as the crime of murder. Was it, he asked, fit, right, or reasonable that persons engaged in commercial or other pursuits should, by combinations thus organized, be kept in constant anxiety and terror about their interest and their property. After noticing other regulations of this class of associations, Mr. Huskisson went on to show that others were governed by regulations, if possible, more extraordinary. One of these regulations was, that no man coming into any given district or county within the control assumed by the associating parties, should be allowed to work without previously paying five pounds sterling, to be applied to the funds of the association. In a similar spirit, another regulation set forth, that any child being permitted to assist, should at ten years old be reckoned a quarter of a man, and pay a proportionate sum accordingly. It was also provided that any man being called in by any collier to his assistance should not be at liberty to work, unless previously adopted, like the collier, by the society, and unless, like him, he should previously pay his five pounds. Mr. Huskisson rightly asked whether this amercement of five pounds, and this subscription of one shilling a week to the funds of the association, which every member was called upon to pay and contribute, would not produce to each of the parties, if placed in a saving-bank, far more beneficial and advantageous results? and whether there were not, among these combinations, men anxious for the enjoyment of the power and distinction which they considered the attainment of certain posts would confer upon them? With reference to Mr. Hume’s act, he declared that when he looked at the way in which it was worded, and the artful misconstruction that might be put upon it by those who best knew how to mislead and deceive the men who had engaged in these combinations, he was not surprised that the associators should consider themselves to be warranted in their proceedings under that act. It repealed all former statutes, and then enacted that no proceedings at common law should be had by reason of any combinations or conspiracies of workmen formerly punishable under those repealed statutes. Without imputing to the framers of the bill the slightest idea that any misapprehensions could be entertained of its enactments, he did not doubt that a great portion of the associated and combined workmen in the country did actually believe, that so far from violating the law, its second section proved that they were only pursuing a course strictly conformable to the legislature. It declared that “journeymen, workmen, and other persons who shall hereafter enter into any combination to obtain higher rates of wages, &c., or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade, or business, or the management thereof, shall not be subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution for a criminal conspiracy or combination, or to any other proceeding or punishment whatever, or under the common statute law.” “Would not,” Mr. Huskisson asked, “any person, on reading this sentence, suppose it was something fit and commendable for workmen to conspire together to regulate and control the management of any manufacture?” In conclusion, he said, that under this act, the plotting together for the destruction of machinery, and even threatening life or property were no longer any criminal offence; and that he considered the existing law was not adequate to put down an evil which was increasing to a formidable extent: not the evil of committing the offences to which the act adverted, but the evil of workmen being permitted to plot, and the bold, open avowal of carrying such permission into effect. He moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the effects of this act, and to report their opinion how far it might be necessary to repeal or amend it. This motion was agreed to, and the committee, after a laborious investigation, made a report, in which they recommended the repeal of Mr. Hume’s bill; the effect of which would be to restore the operation of those laws which were suspended by the second and third clauses of that act. But while recommending that the common law should be restored, the committee expressed an opinion that an exception should be made to its operation in favour of meetings and consultations amongst either masters or workmen, the object of which was peaceably to consult upon the rate of wages to be either given or, received, and to agree to co-operate with each other in endeavouring to raise it or lower it, or to settle the hours of labour; an exception which, while it gave to those in the different classes of masters and workmen ample means of maintaining their respective interests, would not afford any support to the assumption of power or dictation in either party to the prejudice of the other. But in recommending that liberty of associating and co-operating together, so far as wages or labour were concerned, should be preserved alike to masters and workmen, the committee deemed it requisite to propose that the resolution of any such association should be allowed to bind only parties actually present on personally consenting; all combination beyond this should be at the risk of the parties, and open to the animadversion of the common law, and should be dealt with according to the circumstances of each case. The committee further proposed that every precaution should be taken to ensure a safe and free option to those who were not inclined to take part in such associations. The language of the report on this subject is emphatic. “The most effectual security,” it says, “should be taken that legislative enactment can afford, that, in becoming parties to any association, or subject to their authority, individuals should be left to act under the impulse of their own free will alone; and that those who wish to abstain from them, should be enabled to do so, and continue their service, or engage their industry, on whatever terms, or with whatever master, they may choose, in perfect security against molestation, insult, or personal clanger of what kind soever.” The punishment of offences of the nature alluded to recommended by the committee, was, in case of conviction, six months’ imprisonment, with or without hard labour, according to the circumstances of the case. A bill founded on this report was brought into the commons, and after considerable discussion, was passed into a law. In the committee several of its clauses were resisted, and especially that which made it penal to induce any man to leave his work by threat, or intimidation, or by molesting, or in any way obstructing him. This was said by Mr. Hume to be too vague, as what one man might consider an obstruction, another might not; and by Mr. Mansfield, as being deprecated by the workmen. In reply, Mr. Huskisson said, that he had no intention of acting harshly towards the operative mechanics: the object of the bill was to protect the weak against the strong; to afford to the man who chose to give his labour for a certain value that protection against the combination of large bodies to which every man was entitled. Upon a division the clause objected to was carried by a large majority; the members rightly conceiving that man is free to act upon his own responsibility, and that he should not suffer from the control of others. If a man chooses to give his labour for a certain rate of wages he should be at liberty to do so without intimidation or molestation. And he is the more entitled to act thus independently of his fellow-workmen’s interference, because no man will throw away his labour. Self-interest is, in fact, the best protection from oppression. A skilful mechanic with a good character can always obtain the true value of his labour without the aid of his fellow-operatives. He can act as a man; can ask, and obtain his just wages.
FREE-TRADE SYSTEM.
Many petitions had been presented in the course of this session for and against the existing system of the corn-laws. On the 25th of April Mr. Whitmore was induced to move for a committee of the whole house to consider of these laws; but his motion was rejected. Previous to this, however, Mr. Huskisson, in pursuance of the scheme of commercial policy which he had adopted, brought forward three important subjects: first, “The system of our commercial policy in respect to our colonies;” secondly, “The expediency of revising many of the duties payable upon the import of the raw materials used in our manufactures, and of relaxing the prohibitory duties which, under the name of ‘protection,’ were enforced against the manufactured productions of other countries;” and, thirdly, “The means of affording some further degree of relief and assistance to the interests of our shipping and navigation.” The alterations he proposed in our colonial system were explained by him on the 23rd of March, when, by entering into historical details at great length, he proved to demonstration that all those articles of manufacture which had been most fostered had most languished; that excessive duties made the smuggler’s fortune, while the manufacturer was disappointed, and the exchequer defrauded; that the apprehension which guarded our fabrics with high duties was unfounded; and that the true policy of the state, as well as the advantage of individuals, would be consulted by the reduction of duties sufficiently to countervail whatever might be imposed upon the raw material used in the different manufactures. Having shown the ungrateful return made by the United States of America, which had been allowed to trade with our colonies, he proposed to open their ports to all friendly powers on the same principle, though with some modifications, as that on which they now traded with Jersey or Ireland. With the further view of encouraging our own trade and that of our colonies with the countries of South America, he proposed to extend to certain ports in those colonies the benefits and regulations of our warehousing system as it was established in this country, by allowing goods from all parts of the world to be bonded and deposited in warehouses without payment of duty till proper opportunities of selling or exporting them should occur. Another boon proposed by him to our colonies and trade was, the abolition of the large fees which were levied for the benefit of public officers in almost all our colonial ports. He further proposed two alterations of a local and specific nature; the one relating to the Mauritius, and the other to Canada. That relating to the Mauritius lowered the duty on sugar to the same rate as that from the West Indies, and that relating to Canada admitted the importation of corn from thence on a fixed and permanent duty. The resolutions embodying Mr. Huskisson’s views were adopted nem. con., and were afterwards, with one trifling exception, carried into effect. That exception was, that the bill for establishing the free intercourse in the article of corn, subject to the duty of five shillings per quarter, between Canada and this country, should not be permanent, but limited in its operation to a period of two years.
The other part of Mr. Huskisson’s scheme for promoting commerce was brought forward on the 25th of March. These parts referred to protection rather than revenue, and to the affording relief to the shipping and navigation interests. He began by proposing a reduction of duties on the cotton and woollen trade, as well as those on manufactured linen. In some cases these rose as high as one hundred and eighty per cent.; and Mr. Huskisson proposed to lower them to ten, fifteen, and twenty-five per cent, respectively. He next adverted to foreign paper, books, and glass, which were almost prohibited by excessive duties. He proposed a duty upon all books, bound and unbound, imported into this country, of sixpence per pound; on paper threepence per pound; and upon glass bottles three shillings per dozen. He next proceeded to the duties on metallic substances, as iron, copper, zinc, and lead. The duty on foreign iron was to be reduced from £6. 10s. to £1. 10s. per ton; that on copper from £54 to £27 a ton; that on zinc from £28 to £14 a ton; and that on lead from £20 to £15 per cent. ad valorem. Upon tin he proposed to reduce the duty from £5. 9s. 3d. to £2. 10s. the cwt. Mr. Huskisson next proceeded to consider how far it was possible to reduce certain imposts on raw materials which interfered with the success of the capitalist, who was obliged to use them in his manufactures. He instanced the cases of articles used in dyeing, as well as olive and rape-oil. He wished to take off the duty from the latter altogether, and thereby enable the manufacturer to supply the farmer with cake instead of compelling him to procure it at a large cost in the foreign market. He proposed also to reduce the duty on all foreign wool imported at a lower price than one shilling the pound to one halfpenny. He concluded with proposing measures to relieve the commerce and navigation of the country. There was already a bill on the table to do away with the quarantine duties, which the committee on foreign trade had proposed to lay on the community at large. Mr. Huskisson thought this proposition was equitable, as the amount of these duties was considerable; and they were placed on the shipping interest for the protection of the country. lie proposed further the abolition of all fees on commerce with our colonies, and the removal of the duty payable on the transfer of any share in a ship, or of a whole ship, from one person to another. There was still another mode by which he proposed to relieve the shipping interest. This consisted in a reduction of stamps for bonds, required from exporters of certain goods to be delivered at certain places, from forty shillings to four shillings. He also proposed to apply the same principle to Custom-house debentures, or documents given by way of security to those who were entitled to drawbacks. As conducive to the same end, he further proposed an alteration in the system of our consular establishments, granting instead of fees a regular salary to the officers who superintended them, retaining only certain fees, which were to be small, for acts which were extra consular. Though some members of the house expressed an apprehension that these changes might prove injurious, yet in general they were acceptable both to parliament and the country. The resolutions in which they were embodied were adopted unanimously; and they were afterwards carried into execution by bills framed in conformity with them.
SURRENDER, OF THE CHARTER OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.
Connected with the above changes was the surrender of the charter of the Levant Company. That company was established by royal charter in the reign of James the First, when considerable privileges were bestowed upon it. Thus they were allowed to appoint all the consuls in the seaports in the Levant; to levy duties on all English ships for the maintenance of their consuls; and to exercise a certain jurisdiction within the territories of the Ottoman Porte. These powers and trusts had been exercised by the servants of the company with general fidelity for two centuries; but, considering the state of the countries in which the company’s consuls resided, in apolitical point of view, it was now deemed expedient that the public servants of this country in Turkey should hold their appointments from the crown. A meeting of the company was called in consequence of a communication from the ministers; and Lord Grenville, the governor, having proposed the surrender of their charter, the company acceded to it; and an act of parliament was subsequently passed for carrying that surrender into effect.