KING’S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF SPAIN TOWARDS PORTUGAL.
On the 11th of December, Lord Bathurst in the upper house and Mr. Canning in the commons, unexpectedly delivered a message from the king recounting the hostile and faithless conduct of Spain towards Portugal, and requesting that parliament would enable his majesty to fulfil his obligations towards the oldest of his allies. The message stated that his majesty had for some time past, in conjunction with the King of France, endeavoured to prevent the hostile aggression from Spain, and had repeatedly assured the court of Madrid that such aggression would not be tolerated by England; but that notwithstanding these assurances, hostile inroads into the territory of Portugal had been concerted in Spain, and had been executed under the eyes of the Spanish authorities by Portuguese regiments, which had deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish government had repeatedly engaged to disarm and disperse.
The facts of the aggression complained of were briefly these. On the death of John IV., King of Portugal, he was succeeded by his son, Don Pedro, of Brazil. As the constitution of Brazil had provided that its crown should never be united on the same head with that of the mother country, Don Pedro preferring his transatlantic sceptre, resigned his European crown to his infant daughter, and appointed a regency to govern during her minority. At the same time he remodelled the old political institutions of Portugal, and gave it a constitution in the form of a representative government. There was, however, a large party in Portugal hostile to this constitution, and a conspiracy broke out against it and the regency; Don Miguel, the emperor’s brother, being proclaimed king, and having sworn to maintain his rights. Miguel was supported by some regiments of the Portuguese army, and a war ensued between his supporters and the troops in favour of the constitution. For the most part Don Miguel was unsuccessful; and whenever his troops were compelled by want or by his opponents to cross the frontiers, they were not only received and protected by the Spanish authorities, but again organized at the expense of the Spanish government, and sent forth to the invasion of Portugal. The British and Portuguese ministers at Madrid remonstrated; but the cabinet of Spain answered by lying disavowals, or hollow promises; and every day its conduct became more and more perfidious. The invasion was, to all political intents and purposes, an invasion by Spain; and as the danger increased, the Portuguese ambassador at London made a formal application to our government for the military assistance which the treaties between the two countries stipulated. Ministers waited a few days till the conduct of Spain had been placed beyond a doubt, and then advised his majesty to send the above message to the commons.
In proposing an address to the throne on this occasion, Mr. Canning vindicated our interference in the affairs of the Peninsula and fully developed the principles of his foreign policy. Disclaiming every purpose of interference in the internal dissensions of Portugal or influencing the settlement of her domestic institutions, he considered England as merely called upon to defend her from an invasion organized by foreign aid. In order to prove this position he detailed the provisions of subsisting treaties; after which he called the attention of parliament to the present relative state of Portugal and Spain, asserting that he asked for a vote merely for the defence of Portugal, and not for aggression against Spain. There is still a road open to Spain, he said, for retraction and redress; and this would be greatly promoted by the presence of a British army on the Portuguese territories. Concerning the new constitution he remarked:—“As to the merits of the new constitution of Portugal, I do not think I have any right to offer any opinion. Personally I may have formed one; but as an English minister all I have to say is, May God prosper this attempt at the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties among the nations of the world!” Mr. Canning next went into a detail of the aggressions of Spain, as well as her motives: expressing an earnest hope, that, on hearing of the step we were about to take, that power would act so as to render hostilities unnecessary. He dreaded war; but he begged to be understood not as dreading war in a good cause, from any distrust of our strength and resources; on the contrary, he feared it because this country possessed the power to push any war in which she might engage to consequences the bare notion of which made him shudder. Our position at this time was not one of mere neutrality between contending nations, it was a position preserving the balance of power necessary for the safety of Europe. “Nearly four years of experience,” he remarked, “have confirmed that opinion; and it is to be feared that the next contest in Europe, if it should extend beyond the narrow limits of Portugal and Spain, will be a war of the most tremendous nature, because it will be a war of conflicting opinions. And although this country may enter into it with a desire to mitigate and control its horrors, yet she cannot help seeing under her banners all those who are restless and dissatisfied, with or without cause, in every nation with which she may be placed at variance. The consciousness of the fact, the knowledge that we possess such tremendous power, forces me to feel as I now feel. But it is one thing to have a giant’s strength, and another to use it like a giant. The consciousness that we have this power keeps us safe: our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it; but to keep it, that hereafter the world may see we knew its proper use, while we shrunk from converting the empire into an oppressor. The consequences of letting loose those passions which are chained up, may be such as will lead to a scene of desolation which no one can contemplate without horror; and such as I could never lie easy on my couch, if I was conscious of having by one hour precipitated. I would fear much and forbear long; I would almost put up with anything that did not touch our national faith and national honour rather than let slip the furies of war, when we know not whom they may reach, and where the devastation may end. Such is the love of peace which the British government acknowledges, and such the duties of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate. In obedience to this conviction, and with the hope of avoiding extremities, I will push no further the topics of this part of the address. Let us defend Portugal whoever may be the assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end where that duty ends. We go to Portugal, not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe laws. We go only to plant there the standard of England, and where that standard is planted foreign dominion shall not come.” The speech of Mr. Canning had a most powerful effect upon the house: loud cheers resounded from all sides as he sat down, much exhausted. Yet there were dissentients to the proposed measure. Mr. Hume opposed the address, on the ground that this country was not in a situation to enter upon, and to maintain for any length of period a war on a great scale. He moved an amendment that “the house be called over this day week,” which motion was supported by Messrs. Wood and Bankes. On the other hand the motion for an address was supported by Sir Robert Wilson, and Messrs. Baring and Brougham. The latter, in adverting to the ground on which the amendment was principally supported, remarked that its supporters must recollect, and the house and the country must bear in mind that the question is not at present, whether, even at the expense of your character for good faith, you will consent to bear hereafter among mankind a stained reputation and forfeited honour; but whether for a little season of miserable, insecure, precarious, dishonourable, unbearable truce, whether for this precarious, disgusting, and intolerable postponement of hostilities, you will be content hereafter to have recourse to war when war can be no longer avoided, and when its horrors will fall upon you, degraded and ruined in character in the eyes of all the nations of Europe; and, what is ten thousand times worse degraded and ruined in your own. He contended that the burdens of the country, however oppressive, would be borne cheerfully through the impending struggle, if war should be the result, inasmuch as we were governed on wise, liberal, and truly English principles. Mr. Canning’s reply to those who opposed the address was even more eloquent than his opening speech. Government was censured for allowing France to usurp and retain the occupation of Spain. In answer to this, Mr. Canning remarked, that when the French army entered Spain, we might if we chose have visited that measure by a war. But we were not then bound to interfere on behalf of Spain, as we now are bound to interfere on behalf of Portugal, by the obligation of treaty. And such a war would not in these days have been the proper method of restoring the balance of power, which varies as civilization advances and new nations spring up. To take a leaf from the book of European policy in the times of William III., or of Queen Anne, for supporting the balance now, would be to slight the march of events, and to regulate our policy by a confusion of facts. He continued:—“I admit that the entrance of a French army into Spain was a measure of disparagement to Great Britain; that it was a severe blow to the feelings of this country. One of the modes of redress lay in a direct attack on France through a war on the soil of Spain: the other was to make the possession of the Spanish territory harmless in rival hands; to make it worse than harmless, to make it injurious to be the possessor—the latter mode I have adopted. Do you think that for the disparagement of England we have not been compensated? Do you think that for the blockade of Cadiz England has not received a full recompense? I looked at Spain by another name than Spain: I looked on that power as Spain and the Indies; and so looking at the Indies, I have there called a new world into existence, and regulated the balance of power; thus redeeming the movement of France, and leaving her own act on her unmitigated and unredressed, so that she would now thankfully get rid of her responsibility, and shake off a burden too heavy to be borne without complaint. France would now be glad if England would assist her in dispensing with this burden; and the only way of riveting France to the possession of Spain, would be to make that possession a point of honour. I repeat it, the object of the present expedition is not war, but to take the last chance of peace. If England does not go promptly to the aid of Portugal, Portugal will be trampled on, England will be disgraced, and then war will come; come, too, in the train of degradation. If we wait until Spain has courage to ripen her secret machinations into open hostility, we shall have war; shall have the war of pacificators: and who can tell when that war shall end?” Mr. Canning’s eloquence prevailed. Mr. Hume’s amendment received the support of only three or four members; and the original question was carried with only that number of dissentients. A similar address was moved by Lord Bathurst in the upper house, and was carried with the same unanimity. The measure was, indeed, a popular one, not only in the walls of St. Stephen, but throughout the country. The prompt decision of government quickly effected the purpose intended. It was on the 11th that the king’s message was delivered; and on the 14th 5,000 troops, under the command of Sir William Clinton, began to march towards the coast; and by the 25th the first detachment appeared in the Tagus. Their appearance in Portugal was sufficient. The treachery and dissimulation of Ferdinand gave way to his fears; the French government recalled the diplomatic instrument of its intrigues, and the independence of Portugal with its constitution was for a time preserved.
RESOLUTIONS AGAINST BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.
By the dissolution of parliament the resolutions of Lord John Russell for detecting bribery at elections, which had been carried on the last day of the session, had expired. Under these circumstances they were moved anew by Lord Althorp, in doing which he said that he hoped the new house of commons would not now, by rejecting them, afford a singular contrast between the last session of an old parliament and the first session of a new one. In reply, Mr. Peel said, that if this new jurisdiction was to be created at all, it had better be created by a bill than by resolutions; if there were to be any interference, it would be wiser to make that interference effective, than to adopt a measure so imperfect and inoperative as these resolutions presented. Was it not, he asked, a serious consideration that the committee forming the tribunal before which this offence was to be tried, was without the power of administering an oath? Here was an imperfection and an evil for which the resolutions made no provision; and it was vain to hope that any measure could be salutary or effective in its operations if deficient in so important a point. Mr. Wynn also objected to the resolutions, deeming them, with Mr. Peel, insufficient for the purpose designed. Mr. Scarlett observed, that the resolutions might possibly not meet the difficulties which it was desirable should be overcome; but at the same time he thought the right honourable secretary had taken a partial view of the question. The resolutions, he said, were not altogether unexceptionable; but he was persuaded that they might be so far modified as to remedy the evil without going the length of inflicting a penalty or imposing costs, as Mr. Peel suggested, and which could be accomplished only by means of a bill. He added, that he thought they might be withdrawn, and re-introduced in an amended form; and Lord Althorp adopted, this suggestion, and withdrew the resolutions for the present. Subsequently Mr. Littleton again proposed the resolutions for the regulation of committees on private bills which had been passed by the late parliament, and they were all adopted.
