BILLS CONNECTED WITH ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE.
In the course of this session bills were introduced into parliament to disfranchise the corrupt boroughs of Penryn and East Retford. Penryn first engaged the attention of the commons. A bill transferring its elective privileges to Manchester was carried and sent up to the lords; but the lords threw it out, as not being supported by evidence of corruption sufficient to warrant disfranchisement. A bill was also brought into the house to transfer the franchise of East Retford to Birmingham; but as at the time it was introduced there was a certainty that the Penryn bill would be rejected by the peers, the commons agreed that the measure should stand over till the next session, on the understanding that no new writ should be issued for East Retford. Other bills connected with elections of members of the house were brought into the commons; but they either did not pass that house, or were rejected by the lords, except one, which regulated the manner of taking the poll at city and borough elections, and which passed into a law. The chief feature of this latter bill was, that it cut down the duration of the poll from fifteen to six days.
CORN-LAW QUESTION.
One of the most important questions debated during this session was a new settlement of the corn-laws. This subject was introduced by Mr. C. Grant, on principles similar to those in the bill lost in the preceding session. The act he introduced was constructed on a graduated principle of ascending and descending duties, like that of Mr. Canning; but the medium price was raised from 60s. to 64s. In introducing this bill Mr. Grant scarcely attempted its vindication; declaring at the same time that it was the best that could be framed with any chance of being passed into a law. The resolutions, he said, so far as the legislature was concerned, were permanent, until the minds of men could be led to entertain juster notions upon this subject; and they would be changed only as the notions which at present prevailed were altered for the better. They were offered to the landed interests as a resting-place, a firm and solid ground on which time and experience might accumulate a richer soil. They were a compromise between conflicting interests and opinions. For himself, he conceived them imperfect, because they fell short of the bill of last year; but they had been brought as near to that measure as was consistent with the likelihood of their being passed into a law. Other members of government also described the measure as one which did not satisfy their own ideas of what was right and expedient; but what they called a compromise of conflicting opinions, was in reality nothing less than a sacrifice of what they admitted they knew to be for the public good, to the views of a party which they were fearful of displeasing. Notwithstanding, the opposition which had been made to the bill of last year was renewed by the agriculturists on the same grounds as before. They struggled for still higher duties; but the bill finally passed both lords and commons without alteration. It has been observed of the contest on this occasion, that “agriculture was considered improperly as opposed both in its nature and objects to manufactures; while, in fact, it is itself a manufacture, and the most advantageous of all manufactures; for its profits are certain, and its employment healthy. All grain raised beyond the seed sown adds the whole extent of such produce to the wealth, and the people employed in its production to the strength of the state. The grand object of every good government is to provide employment for the industry of its people; and the first point to be attended to in this respect is the manufacturing of the raw material produced by the country: for this is real wealth; hence agriculture must always prove the most useful kind of manufacture to every state. The fruits and productions of the soil, raised by labour and capital, are disseminated and divided among all classes, who exchange their labour for that of the agriculturist, until sustenance is obtained by all. It is this internal commerce which is so beneficial and so important, from the rapidity of the exchange and the stability of it, as far as every description of produce is consumed by the inhabitants of a country; and by no other means can manufacturers and tradesmen be so extensively injured as by an oppression of the agricultural interests.” While this, however, may be admitted to be true to a certain extent, it is clear that the agricultural interests should not be protected to the injury of the manufacturing interests, properly so called; and time, as will be seen, has convinced the nation at large of the unreasonableness of such a protection.
DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET.
In the division which took place on the transfer of the franchise of East Retford to Birmingham, Mr. Huskisson redeemed a pledge which he had given to support it; and in so doing divided against his colleagues. On his arrival at home from the house of commons he addressed a letter to the Duke of Wellington, marked “private and confidential,” in which he said that duty led him, without loss of time, to afford his grace an opportunity of placing his office in other hands. The duke immediately laid this letter as a resignation before his majesty; but Mr. Huskisson seems to have written it solely with a view of being solicited to remain in office. He declared to Lord Dudley that he never intended to resign, and that his letter was marked private in consequence. Lord Dudley immediately waited on the premier, and attempted to pass the matter off as a mistake; but his grace declared emphatically that it was not, and should not be any mistake. Mr. Huskisson made further attempts to retain office; but the Duke of Wellington was inexorable, probably because he did not coincide with all the views of his colleague; and the dismissal of Mr. Huskisson was followed by the resignations of Lords. Dudley and Palmerston, and of Mr. Charles Grant. Their places were filled up in the cabinet by Sir Charles Murray, who succeeded Mr. Huskisson; Sir Henry Hardinge, who was made secretary at war; and Mr. Vesey, who accepted the office of the board of trade; while the Earl of Aberdeen received the seals of the foreign secretary. No further change took place, except that the Duke of Clarence resigned his post of lord high admiral, when a board was appointed on the old system, with Lord Melville at its head.