MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
A.D. 1834
On the 4th of February the session was opened by the king in person. In his speech his majesty alluded to the slavery abolition bill introduced last year, stating that the manner in which that beneficent measure had been received throughout the colonies, and the progress made in carrying it into effect by the legislature of Jamaica, afforded just grounds for anticipating the happiest results. Among the various important subjects still calling for consideration, his majesty enumerated reports from the commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of municipal corporations, into the administration of the poor laws, and into the ecclesiastical revenues of England and Wales. His majesty also recommended the early consideration of such a final adjustment of the tithes in Ireland as might extinguish all just causes of complaint, without injury to the rights and property of any class of his subjects, or to any institution in church or state. Concerning the state of Ireland, his majesty remarked that the public tranquillity had been generally observed, and that the state of Ireland presented a more favourable appearance than at any period during the last year. The speech then reverted to the agitations in Ireland for the repeal of the legislative union, which it denounced in the strongest terms. The chief point in our foreign policy noticed by the king related to the government of Spain. He remarked:—“Upon the death of the late King of Spain, I did not hesitate to recognise the succession of his infant daughter; and I shall watch with the greatest solicitude the progress of events which may affect a government, the peaceable settlement of which is of the utmost importance to this country, as well as to the general tranquillity of Europe.” On the motion for an address in the house of lords, the whole policy of government, both domestic and foreign, was vehemently attacked by the Duke of Wellington, but no amendment was moved. In the commons, Mr. Hume, in opposition to the address said, that although there was a great deal in the speech about the independence of Turkey, and something about Portugal, &c., yet there was not one word about poor tax-ridden England. He moved an amendment to the effect, that the house would pledge itself to take into its immediate and serious consideration the state of the established church, as regarded its temporalities and the maintenance of the clergy, and also with a view to the removal of complaints which arose out of the mode in which tithe and church-rates were levied, in order to accomplish such changes as might give effectual relief both to churchmen and dissenters. This amendment was negatived by a large majority; and another, altering the paragraph in the address to his majesty, expressive of the satisfaction of the house at the “uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessings of peace,” shared the same fate. Mr. O’Connell moved that the clause referring to the agitation for the repeal of the union should be omitted; but this was also negatived by an overwhelming majority. On the bringing up of the report on the address, an incidental discussion arose on the coercion bill of last session, which gave rise to an extraordinary scene, and to the committal of Lord Althorp and Mr. Shiel to the custody of the serjeant-at-arms. A charge had been made by Mr. Hill, one of the members for Hull, that one of the Irish members who had voted against the coercion bill, went secretly to one of the ministers, urging him not to bate a single jot of that bill, or it would be impossible for any man to live in Ireland. Mr. O’Connell referred to this charge, and he put two questions to the chancellor of the exchequer respecting it—namely, whether he, or any other member of the cabinet, had ever stated that an Irish member had acted in such a manner, and whether any Irish member ever went to the noble lord, or any other minister, and made the statement which had been imputed to him. Lord Althorp replied in the negative to both these questions; but, he added, that he should not act a manly part, if he did not declare that he had good reason to believe that more than one Irish member who voted and spoke against the bill, did in private conversation use very different language. A scene of confusion and crimination then ensued, in which Lord Althorp charged Mr. Shiel with being one of the gentlemen who had so acted, which Mr. Shiel denied in terms which left the house under the impression that a duel between those two members would ensue. Upon the motion of Sir Francis Burdett, both were placed under arrest until assurances were given that the matter should not lead to the apprehended results. Subsequently a committee of privileges was appointed to examine into this affair, and it appearing to the committee that there was no evidence to establish the charge, they made their report in favour of Mr. Shiel. Mr. Hill himself, finding that he had been deceived, acknowleged his error; and Lord Althorp said, that if Mr. Shiel would distinctly say that he had not done what his lordship had stated he had done, he should be bound to believe his assertion. Mr. Shiel readily made this statement, and thus ended this ridiculous interlude. Many believe that the subject was obtruded upon the house as much from a hope of embarrassing a rival in the work of agitation, as from a desire to vindicate the character of a friend. The public in general, however, looked on the matter with indifference.
MR. O’CONNELL’S MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE UNION.
Mr. O’Connell had long made his boast in Ireland, that he would bring forward the question of the repeal of the union in the British parliament. His courage, from his non-performance of this promise, began to be doubted; and to save his credit, he was obliged to bring himself to trial. On the first day of the sessions he had given notices of two motions: one that the house should take the act of union into consideration, with a view to its repeal; the other for the appointment of a “select committee to inquire and report on the means by which the dissolution of parliament was effected—on the effects of that measure upon Ireland, and upon the labourers in husbandry, and the manufacturers in England—and on the probable consequences of continuing the legislative union between both countries.” He proceeded only with the last of the two motions, and he brought that forward on the 22nd of April. He commenced by declaring that there had never existed a greater mistake than to suppose that England possessed any right of dominion over the former country. He then entered at great length into the incompetency of parliament to pass the act of union; and having detailed the means by which it was accomplished, he proceeded to prove that the financial and legislative terms on which the great question had been settled were in their very nature fraudulent and unjust. Looking at these circumstances, he said, he dreaded the probable consequences of a continuance of the union. Ireland felt strongly on the subject; and he demanded that the bitter recollection of the past should be for ever effaced by the restoration of her people to their inalienable rights. Mr. O’Connell was answered at great length by Mr. Spring Rice, who enumerated the manifold advantages gained by Ireland from the union. He moved, therefore, that an address be presented to his majesty, expressive of the fixed and steady determination of the commons to maintain inviolate the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland—a determination to be justified, not only on general grounds, but by reasons of special application to Ireland itself; declaring also, that while the house endeavoured to remove all just causes of complaint alleged by the Irish people, it would promote every well-considered measure of rational liberty. The debate on the subject was continued by adjournment for several days. The members who took part in it were—for the original motion, Messrs. O’Connor, Barron, Ruthven, Shiel, and others; and for the amendment, Messrs. Tennent, Littleton, Sandford, Lambert, and Sir Robert Peel, and others. Perhaps the most effective speech was that which was delivered by Sir Robert Peel, who said, he believed that no array of official documents, and no force of argument, could strengthen the conviction of the great majority of the house—a conviction that lay deeper than any argument could reach—that they would on no account consent to dismember the British empire. There were convictions connected with the feelings of the heart as well as with the faculties of the mind. Mr. Canning had said, “Repeal the union! re-enact the heptarchy!” The security of the empire depended on the maintenance of that union; without it England would be reduced to the condition of a fourth-rate power in Europe, and Ireland to the desolation of a wilderness. On a division the amendment was carried by the triumphant majority of five hundred and twenty-three against thirty-eight; the minority, with one exception only, consisting of Irish members. On the 30th of April the commons, in a conference, communicated their address to the lords, who, in one spirit, unanimously concurred in its sentiments, and ordered the blank, which was purposely left, to be filled up with the words, “lords spiritual and temporal.” It was then presented to the king as the joint address of both houses; and his majesty, in reply, expressed the great satisfaction with which he had received the solemn and united declaration of both houses to maintain the union inviolate.
DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET.
In opposing the repeal of the union, ministers carried along with them the sense and feeling of the people; that was a question on which no man differed from them except O’Connell and his followers. Questions, however, connected with the Irish church stood in a different light.