A.D. 1840
Parliament was opened on the 16th of January by her majesty in person. The opening of her majesty’s speech was one of great interest. It read thus:—“My lords and gentlemen—Since you have last assembled, I have declared my intention of allying myself in marriage with the Prince of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha. I humbly implore that the divine blessing may prosper this union, rendering it conducive to the interests of my people, as well as my own domestic happiness; and it will be to me a source of the most lively satisfaction, to find the resolution I have taken approved of by parliament. The constant proofs I have received of your attachment to my person and family, persuade me that you will enable me to provide for such an establishment as may appear suitable to the rank of the prince, and the dignity of the crown.” In continuance, her majesty congratulated parliament on the termination of civil war in Spain; expressed a hope that the five powers would be able to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman empire, and the peace of Europe; and referred to the success of the European and native troops in India with great satisfaction. Her majesty also declared her confident hope of adjusting our difference with the court of Persia; and intimated that serious attention had been given to her commercial relations with China. In conclusion, her majesty recommended to the early consideration of parliament two important measures relating to our home policy: namely, the state of the municipal corporations in Ireland, and the measures suggested by the ecclesiastical commissioners with respect to the church establishment in this country. In the lords the address was moved by the Duke of Somerset, and seconded by Lord Seaford. The Duke of Wellington fully concurred in the expression of congratulation to her majesty upon the alliance which had been announced to the country. But, his grace continued, every precedent of the reign of George III. had been followed in this matter except one, and that was the declaration that this prince was a Protestant. He knew the prince was a Protestant; but as this was a Protestant state, the fact that the prince was a Protestant should have been officially declared. The house of lords could not omit this; and therefore he moved the insertion of the word Protestant before the word prince, in the first paragraph of the address. Lord Melbourne said that he considered the amendment superfluous. The act of settlement required that the prince should be a Protestant, and it was not likely that ministers would advise her majesty to break through the act of settlement. All the world knew that Prince Albert of Saxe Cobourg was a Protestant, and that he was descended from the most emphatically Protestant house in Europe. Lord Winchilsea did not regard the insertion of the word Protestant as unnecessary. Near and dear relations of the prince had become Roman Catholics, and the husband of the Queen of Portugal, a first cousin of this very prince, was an avowed Romanist. In the close of his observations, Lord Winchilsea adverted to the alarming state of the country, and censured Lord Melbourne for having recently presented Mr. Owen to the queen—a man who was the notorious advocate of doctrines which struck at the root of all religion and morality. The amendment was agreed to, and the address, as amended, ordered to be presented to her majesty.
In the commons the address was agreed to; and her majesty subsequently replied to the addresses of both houses, expressing satisfaction at their loyalty and affection; thanking them for their support and concurrence in her intended marriage; and assuring them that it would be her endeavour to make her reign conducive to the happiness of all classes of the community.
BILL FOR THE NATURALIZATION OF PRINCE ALBERT.
On the 20th of January, in the house of lords, a bill for naturalizing his serene highness Prince Albert of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha was passed through all its stages. On the second reading, the Duke of Wellington objected that it was not only an act for the naturalization of Prince Albert, but contained also a clause entitling the prince, “for and during the term of his natural life, to take precedence in rank after her majesty, in parliament and elsewhere, as her majesty may think fit and proper; any law, statute, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.” Under these circumstances, his grace moved that the debate be adjourned, as the house had not sufficient notice of the contents of the bill, and as the title of it did not state anything respecting the precedence of the prince. Lord Melbourne replied, that the omission was purely accidental, and, in his opinion, of no importance. At the same time his lordship admitted that this bill differed in form from any other bills, inasmuch as it gave her majesty an ability to bestow on Prince Albert a higher station than that assigned to Prince George of Denmark, or Prince Leopold. But the reason for the difference, he contended, was to be looked for in the relative situation of the parties. The arrangements with regard to the marriage of the Princess Charlotte were temporary; in this act it was intended to raise the prince to a station next to that of the queen; and no opposition had been offered to this course by those peculiarly interested in point of rank. After a few observations from Lords Brougham and Londonderry, the debate was adjourned till the following week, when the lord-chancellor stated that he should propose that power be given to the crown to allow the prince to take precedence next after any heir-apparent to the throne.
Subsequently, however, Lord Melbourne, in moving the committal of the bill, expressed himself so anxious that it should pass with all possible expedition, that he had determined to leave out all relating to precedence, and reduce it to a naturalization bill, as expressed in the title. In that shape the bill passed without further opposition. In the commons the bill was passed without discussion.
THE CIVIL-LIST.
On the 24th of June, after moving that the paragraph in the queen’s speech relative to Prince Albert’s annuity be read, Lord John Russell went into a long detail of precedents of grants to princes and princesses allied to the royal family of England; and concluded by moving “that her majesty be enabled to grant an annual sum of £50,000 out of the consolidated fund, for a provision to Prince Albert, to commence on the day of his marriage with her majesty, and to continue during his life.” The debate was adjourned for a few days, and on its resumption Mr. Hume moved as an amendment, that £21,000 be voted annually to Prince Albert, instead of £50,000. In his opinion, indeed, no grant should be made during her majesty’s lifetime. The chancellor of the exchequer replied to Mr. Hume, and several members spoke in opposition to the grant; after which the house divided, on the amendment, which was lost by a majority of three hundred and five against thirty-eight. Ministers, however, were doomed to be defeated on this question. Colonel Sibthorp had given notice that he would move an amendment that £30,000 should be the extent of the annuity; and on the defeat of Mr. Hume’s motion, the gallant colonel rose to move this amendment. On a division it was carried by a large majority, the numbers being two hundred and sixty-two against one hundred and fifty-eight. This was a great triumph over the ministers, and Colonel Sibthorp was so elated by it, that he endeavoured to follow it up a week or two afterwards by moving for the insertion of a clause in the bill for Prince Albert’s provision, to the effect that the annuity of £30,000 should cease altogether in case his serene highness should reside for a less period than six months consecutively in each year within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or should ally himself in marriage with any foreign princess who should not be a Protestant, or should cease to profess and adhere to the Protestant religion as by law established in these realms. Both Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell contended that such restrictions were inexpedient and inconsistent, and the gallant colonel, finding that there was no chance of success, did not press his motion to a division.