PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
At the meeting of the house on the following Monday, after moving the order of the day for the committee of supply, Lord John Russell said that he and his colleagues had come to the determination not to bring on the alteration of the corn-laws as a government measure. He further stated that, after the late division, he felt that tire government could expect no further majorities in the house of commons, and that they would not make any further struggle for the retention of their offices until the opinion of the nation had been ascertained. A desultory conversation followed, in which his lordship expressly declared that the intentions of government were to advise that no time should be lost in dissolving the present Parliament, and that a new one should be summoned without delay. Subsequently the house resolved itself into a committee of supply; and the estimates were voted without opposition. The session was now virtually at an end, although the condemned parliament lingered on for about a fortnight after the ministerial announcement of a dissolution. In the course of that period Lord John Russell announced many bills, in more or less advanced stages, as abandoned; but he still sought to carry the bill for the better administration of justice. This bill, however, was opposed by Sir E. Sugden, who moved that it should not come into operation till the 10th day of October. This motion was carried; and Lord John Russell then declared his determination to throw up the bill altogether. It thus fell to the ground; but it was revived in the next session, and then passed into a law. After this discussion nothing worthy of note occurred; and on the 22nd of June, parliament was prorogued by the queen in person, after having previously given her assent to the appropriation and other bills. The lord-chancellor then declared parliament to be prorogued to Tuesday, the 29th of June; and on the following day the queen’s proclamation was issued, by which the parliament thus prorogued was declared to be dissolved; and writs for a new one were issued, returnable on the 19th of August. Thus terminated the first session of 1841; a more barren and unprofitable one than which is not to be found in the annals of modern parliaments. It lasted nearly five months, and yet all the great questions brought forward were still in an unsettled state. It has indeed been well remarked, that “the whole operations of this session might have been at once blotted out of the records of parliament, with scarcely any sensible effects upon the laws or institutions of the country.”
STATE OF PARTIES.
On the dissolution of parliament both the great parties in the state—the Conservatives and Liberals—prepared themselves for the struggle which was immediately to ensue at the general election. The hopes and expectations of the two parties were essentially different. On the one hand, the Conservative party had been for some time increasing in numbers throughout the country. Their ranks had been recruited by those who had been accustomed to identify themselves with their opponents, but who believed that the time was come when the exigencies of the country demanded a strong and efficient government, and who were willing to accord to Conservative statesmen the merit of being ready to support all measures of real amendment; knowing that they only had the power of carrying such measures into effect. There were, moreover, many who although they stood aloof from the Conservative party, and professed jealous suspicion of its future policy, who were not averse to give it once more a trial in the possession of power. It was clear, indeed, that the Conservative party at this period stood the highest in the estimation of the people. The landowners and farmers were united in their favour, and the mercantile body, alarmed at the attack which had been made upon our West Indian and Canadian interests in the articles of sugar and timber, agreed, too, in an anxious desire for their return to power. The Liberal party, however, could still reckon confidently upon the support of the Radicals; and they had an advantage even from their recent defeat. The defeat happened in consequence of certain financial measures which they brought forward in their budget, which measures assumed the character of a removal of disabilities from trade. This afforded good grounds for an appeal to the people, and an attack upon monopoly. Land-owners and West Indian proprietors were styled monopolists: the former, because the legislature had imposed a duty on corn for the protection of agriculture; and the latter, because their interests were protected by a duty on sugar. In like manner it was attempted to excite popular odium against other classes, as favoured in the acquisition of wealth at the expense of the community: all who supported the Conservatives were subjected to the same charge, while the supporters of government were exultingly denominated anti-monopolists. The watch-word of the Liberal party was, in truth, “anti-monopoly;” and a strenuous effort was made to enlist popular feeling in its behalf. This cry, however, did not succeed.. Even the city of London, which had before returned four Liberals, now returned only two, which were coupled with two Conservatives. As for the elections, in the counties they went everywhere against the ministry: and in the towns and manufacturing districts the cry of “Low wages!” was raised against that of “Cheap bread!” with considerable effect. In a word, the returns proved more favourable to the Conservative party than the most sanguine among them had anticipated; and it appeared certain that Sir Robert Peel would command a stronger and more efficient majority than had supported any minister for a long period.
MEETING OF THE NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS, ETC.
The new session of parliament was opened by commission on the 19th of August, and the speech was read by the lord-chancellor on the 24th of the same month. The speech referred to a treaty concluded on the 15th of July, 1840, between her majesty and the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, and the Sultan, the objects of which, it was said, had been fully accomplished. The speech also informed the house that her majesty had ordered the return of her minister to the court of Persia, and announced that the differences which had arisen between Spain and Portugal about the execution of a treaty concluded by those powers in 1835, for regulating the navigation of the Douro had been amicably adjusted. In reference to the disputes with China, a hope was expressed that the emperor would see the justice of the demands which her majesty’s plenipotentiaries had been recently instructed to make. The speech concluded thus:—“My lords and gentlemen,—We are more especially commanded to declare to you that the extraordinary expenses which the events in Canada, China, and the Mediterranean have occasioned, and the necessity of maintaining a force adequate to the protection of our extensive possessions, have made it necessary to consider the means of increasing the public revenue. Her majesty is anxious that this object should be effected in the manner least burdensome to her people: and it has appeared to her majesty, after full deliberation, that you may at this juncture properly direct your attention to the revision of duties affecting the productions of foreign countries. It will be for you to consider whether some of these duties are not so trifling in amount as to be unproductive to the revenue, while they are vexatious to commerce. You may further examine whether the principle of protection upon which others of these duties are founded be not carried to an extent injurious alike to the income of the state and the interests of the people. Her majesty is desirous that you should consider the laws which regulate the trade in corn. It will be for you to determine whether these laws do not aggravate the natural fluctuation of supply—whether they do not embarrass trade, derange the currency, and by their operation diminish the comfort and increase the privations of the great body of the community.” In the house of lords the address was moved by Earl Spencer, and seconded by the Marquess of Clanricarde, both of whom in their speeches vindicated the conduct of government, and advocated the repeal of the corn-laws. The address was opposed by the Earl of Ripon, who arraigned government on many points, more especially on their financial operations. He concluded a long and able speech by proposing as an amendment, that an address be presented to her majesty, “humbly to represent to her majesty, that we observe with great concern that the public expenditure has of late, in each of several years, exceeded the annual income, and that we are convinced of the necessity of adopting measures for the purpose of remedying so great an evil: To assure her majesty that we are deeply sensible of the importance of those considerations, to which her majesty has been graciously pleased to direct our attention in reference to the commerce and revenue of the country, and to the laws which regulate the trade in corn: That in deciding the course which it may be advisable to pursue with reference to such matters, it will be our earnest desire to consult the interest and promote the welfare of all classes of her majesty’s subjects: That we feel it, however, to be our duty humbly to submit to her majesty that it is essential to the satisfactory results of our deliberations upon these and other matters of public concern that her majesty’s government should possess the confidence of this house and of the country; and respectfully to represent to her majesty that that confidence is not reposed in the present advisers of her majesty: To assure her majesty that in the gracious expression of her majesty’s deep sympathy with those of her subjects who are now suffering from distress and want of employment, we recognise an additional proof of her majesty’s tender regard for the welfare of her subjects; and that we cordially join in the prayer of her majesty that all our deliberations may be guided by wisdom, and may conduce to the happiness of her people.” Viscount Melbourne expressed himself to the effect that the Earl of Ripon’s motion came like a thunder-clap upon him. He was ignorant that there existed in the house the spirit on which the motion seemed to proceed. The Duke of Wellington, after alluding to the various allegations brought against government by the Earl of Ripon, said that they sufficiently justified him in calling on that house to vote against the address. He continued to animadvert upon, and to condemn the introduction of her majesty’s name in the royal speech, in such a way as to give the country to believe that those who opposed the proposed alterations in commerce opposed her majesty. At the same time the noble duke passed a warm eulogium upon the general conduct of Viscount Melbourne in his relation to the crown, frankly admitting that the noble viscount had rendered the greatest possible service to her majesty, in making her acquainted with the mode and policy of the government of this country; initiating her into the laws and spirit of the constitution; and teaching her to preside over the destinies of the empire of Great Britain. His grace concluded by making some severe remarks on the budget, about which so much had been said; and by expressing himself to be still adverse to any alteration in the corn-laws. The noble duke was followed by the Duke of Richmond, who, in a short speech, advocated the interests of the agriculturists. The Marquess of Lansdowne said that the government had not proposed a repeal of the corn laws in toto, as the Duke of Richmond seemed to have understood: they simply contemplated some change. After a few words from the Earl of Coventry and the Marquess of Northampton, in support of the amendment, and from Lord Brougham, partly in favour of the address, and partly condemnatory of the measures of government, their lordships divided on the original question, when there appeared for it only ninety-six, and against it one hundred and sixty-eight; so that ministers were left in a minority of seventy-two.
In the commons the first business performed was the election of a speaker, and Mr. Shaw Lefevre was re-elected by the consent of all parties. The house then adjourned; after which several days were consumed in swearing in members. This being done, the speaker having read from the chair the speech delivered in the other house by the lords-commissioners, an address was moved in consonance with it by Mr. Mark Phillips, and seconded by Mr. John Dundas. An amendment was moved by Mr. J. S. Wortley, which expressed the regret of the house at the recent increase of expenditure; its determination to provide for that increase; its earnest desire to promote the welfare of her majesty’s subjects; and respectfully to represent to her majesty the necessity that her ministers should enjoy the confidence of the country, which the present administration did not possess. This amendment was seconded by Lord Bruce; and a long discussion followed, in which many members expressed their views. The result showed that ministers were even deserted by some of their tried friends: even Mr. Roebuck declared that he should vote in favour of the amendment. On this occasion Mr. Cobden, who had been elected in the new parliament, and who was destined to be the greatest antagonist of the corn-laws that had ever appeared in the house of commons, came forward to express his views on the subject. On a division the amendment was carried by a majority of three hundred and sixty, against two hundred and sixty-nine. When the house of commons met for the purpose of receiving the report on the amended address, Mr. Sharman Crawford proposed another amendment, to the effect that the house would feel it their duty so to extend the suffrage as to give to the working classes their just weight in legislation; but this was negatived by an overwhelming majority.