At a later period of the session the state of the public finances was made the subject of debate in the house of lords. On the 14th of August Lord Monteagle moved this series of resolutions:—“1. That this house observes with much concern and disappointment, that the expectation held out of a surplus revenue, exceeding £500,000, for the year ending the 5th of April. 1843, has not been realized; but that there has been an actual deficiency of £2,421,000, notwithstanding the imposition of a tax on property, the application to the public service within the year of £511,406, obtained from the government of China, and a receipt exceeding £1,300,000, as duties upon grain imported. 2. That the charge for the permanent debt has been increased during the last two years, the exchequer balances have been reduced, and upwards of £1,000,000 exchequer-bills held by the trustees of the savings’ banks converted into stock. 3. That under these circumstances it is most peculiarly the duty of the legislature, and of her majesty’s government, to enforce the strictest economy which is consistent with the public service, and to adopt all such measures as may increase the ordinary revenue, by insuring to British industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, its widest and freest extension, and its largest reward; thus averting from the country the calamity of the re-enactment of a tax upon property in time of peace, and promoting the well-being of all classes of her majesty’s subjects.” The object of Lord Monteagle in introducing these resolutions was to vindicate the Whig administration of the public finances, and to show that the same line of conduct which had been censured in the late ministry had been pursued by the present government. His lordship delivered a long and able speech to this end, which was replied to with equal ability by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Brougham.
Another question, involving fiscal considerations, which occupied the attention of parliament, related to the sugar duties. Government proposed a renewal of tire duties of the year preceding, on which the free-trade party in the house of commons made their usual protest against the preference shown to the produce of the British colonies. On the 22nd of June, when it was moved that the speaker should leave the chair, in order to the house going into committee on the subject, Mr. Cobden moved: “That it is not expedient to compel payment of a higher price for colonial than for other commodities; and that, therefore, all protective duties on colonial produce ought to be abolished.” As this resolution, however, extended further than the mere sugar question, on which it had been moved “that the speaker leave the chair,” it could not be put; and the house then went into committee on the sugar duties. In committee Mr. Ewart, who condemned the policy of government on this subject, proposed that one uniform duty on foreign and colonial sugar should be levied; but this motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and thirty-five against eighty-five. Mr. Hawes subsequently proposed that the house should cease to maintain an impost which was equivalent to total prohibition, and should lower the duty to 34s.; but this was negatived by a still larger majority, and the proposition of government was confirmed. On a later day, the 17th of July, another important article of traffic was brought under consideration. As an amendment on the motion for going into a committee of supply, Mr. Charles Wood moved “that the house do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider so much of the 5th and 6th Victoria, c. 47, customs’ act, as relates to the duties on the importation of foreign sheeps’ and lambs’ wool.” Mr. Wood supported his motion on the ground that the trade had been declining for nearly thirty years; but it was opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer; and after a desultory conversation, it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty-two against seventy. About the same time, however, government showed that they were not disinclined to all further commercial relaxation; for at their instance the restrictions on the importation of machinery, imposed by an act of King William the Fourth, were taken off. A bill for this purpose was brought in by the president of the board of trade, and, being supported by all parties in the house, passed without difficulty. After some opposition from Earl Stanhope, it was subsequently carried in the lords, and was incorporated finally into “an act for amending the customs,” which received the royal assent before the close of the session.
EDUCATION.
It has already been seen that, on the motion of Lord Ashley, an address was voted to the crown on the subject of the education of the working classes. The queen’s answer to this address was delivered by Earl Jermyn at the bar of the house, on the 8th of March. It read thus:—“I have received your loyal and dutiful address. The attention of my government had been previously directed to the important object of increasing the moral and religious education among the working classes of my people; and the assurance of your cordial co-operation in measures which I consider so necessary, confirms my hope that this blessing will be secured by legislative enactment.” On the same day Sir James Graham introduced his promised bill for regulating the employment of children and young persons in factories. Its clauses were, in fact, strongly opposed both in parliament and by the people, being objected to chiefly on the ground of giving a too exclusive management of the schools to the clergy of the church of England, thereby prejudicing dissenters and Roman Catholics. This objection was forcibly urged by several members in the discussion which ensued; while, on the other hand, it was controverted by several members with equal force. Avoiding this source of contention, Lord Ashley earnestly enforced the arguments respecting the necessity of the measure. The bill was finally read a second time. The measure, however, met with so much opposition from the dissenting and Roman Catholic bodies, and appeared to be so distasteful to a large section of the community, that Sir James Graham, on the 1st of May, produced a series of amendments which had been prepared by government. But although the bill was thus altered to meet the views of all classes, it was still strenuously opposed by several members, though eventually it was recommitted. Such was the animosity still displayed by the Roman Catholic and dissenting bodies against the measure, that government at length came to the resolution of abandoning it. The home secretary announced this intention on the 15th of June, on which occasion he promised to state on an early day the future intentions of government. In fulfilment of this promise, on the 19th he declared that government did not mean to give up the remainder of the factories’ bill; and on his motion it was recommitted.
CHURCH EXTENSION, ETC.
On the 5th of May Sir Robert Peel brought forward, in a committee of the whole house, a plan for relieving the spiritual wants of the kingdom by the endowment of additional churches, and augmentation of small livings. In explaining his measure, the right honourable baronet said that at the end of 1834 he had advised the crown to issue a commission to ascertain whether aid might not be obtained for religious instruction from ecclesiastical resources. The result of the inquiries of this commission had been to show that the revenues of certain bishoprics, cathedrals, and other ecclesiastical establishments, were larger than their purposes required. The commissioners recommended the transfer of such surplus receipts of the church to a new fund, which now amounted to £25,000. Out of this fund about £16,700 per annum had been applied to the augmentation of small livings; and other analogous purposes had been marked out, which, with the sum applied for, would absorb about £32,000. In a few years the fund would be increased by the falling in of canonries and other preferments; and the question was whether it would be better to wait till that increase should have been realized, or to anticipate that increase by some immediate measure. Government were in favour of the latter course, and for this purpose it would be necessary to combine the instrumentality of two bodies—the ecclesiastical commissioners and the board of Queen Anne’s bounty for the augmentation of small livings. The latter board possessed about £1,200,000, invested in the funds; and what he now proposed, was to authorize the advance of £600,000 by this board, to the ecclesiastical commissioners, on the security of the before-mentioned revenue of the ecclesiastical fund, existing and hereafter accruing. This advance to the extent of £30,000 a year he would apply in endowments for ministers of the church of England; and that annual sum, with the interest on the principal at three per cent., being £18,000 a year, would in seventeen years exhaust the whole. By that time the accumulation in the hands of the ecclesiastical commissioners would, even upon the narrowest calculation, exceed £100,000 a year, and the commissioners would thenceforth continue the £18,000 a year interest, and the proposed augmentation of £30,000 a year, together with the £32,000 already applied, or destined by them to similar or analogous purposes; and they would then possess a considerable surplus, applicable to future improvement. In conclusion, Sir Robert Peel said that he should have rejoiced if he could likewise have carried a grant of public money for these purposes with general good-will; but he did not think that a public grant without such good-will would have effectually accomplished the benefits which he anticipated from the application of ecclesiastical revenues. Several members spoke in terms of approbation of the measure, and the motion was unanimously voted.
The great secession in the church of Scotland gave occasion to the introduction of a bill proposed by Lord Aberdeen, on the part of the government to remove doubts respecting the admission of ministers to benefices. This bill provided that the presbytery, or church court, to which objections should be referred to be cognosced, should be authorized to inquire into the whole circumstances of the parish, and the character and number of persons by whom the objections and reasons should be preferred; and if the presentee should be found not qualified or suitable for that particular parish, the presbytery should pronounce to that effect, and should set forth the special grounds upon which their judgment was founded. The bill further abolished the veto, to guard against any doubt or difficulty on that point; providing that it shall not be lawful for any presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court, to reject any presentee upon the ground of any mere dissent or dislike, expressed in any part of the congregation of the parish in which he was presented, and which dissent or dislike should not be founded upon objections or reasons to be fully cognosced, judged of, and determined in the manner aforesaid, by the presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court. Lord Aberdeen declared his belief that the adoption of this measure would retain in the establishment a numerous body of ministers then in a state of suspense. Those parish ministers who had seceded were about two hundred and forty, or one-fourth of the whole number; the unendowed ministers, about two hundred, or about one-third of the entire clergy of Scotland. He did not apprehend, he said, any fatal consequence from the secession; but the bill would tend to tranquillise those who remained within the pale. The measure encountered the most strenuous opposition of Lords Brougham, Cottingham, and Campbell in all its stages; but it passed the upper house, and was introduced in the commons by Sir James Graham on the 31st of July. After explaining the nature of the bill, and supporting it by all the arguments he could bring forward in its favour, the right honourable baronet expressed a hope that the church of Scotland would find a haven of peace and security, and in that spirit of hope and peace he moved its second reading. Mr. Wallace said that the bill would create more doubts than had heretofore existed, and would make the people renounce the church; on which grounds he moved that it be read that day six months. This amendment was supported by Lord John Russell, and Messrs. Rutherford, Hume, Cochrane, and Alexander Campbell. On the other hand the bill was supported by the solicitor-general, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Hope Johnstone, and Sir Robert Peel; and on a division the second reading was carried by a majority of ninety-eight against eighty. The opponents of the measure renewed their attempts of throwing it out on the motion for going into committee, when Mr. P. M. Stewart moved that it be committed that day three months; but this was negatived, and the bill finally passed, and received the royal assent.