As very considerable numbers of the working classes in Lancashire and Yorkshire had been taught in Sunday-schools, and the Sabbath day was much regarded in that part of the country, the collection of such a vast concourse of persons from great distances, on a day so sacred, created prejudices against the chartist confederacies even in their own strongholds, which, irrespective of every other difficulty, ensured their defeat. The agitation, however, did not come to a head during the year of which we write, and it is unnecessary further to trace its progress in this chapter.
This was not the only agitation which disturbed the equanimity of Great Britain throughout the year. The Protectionists, led by Lord George Bentinck, were active and acrimonious. Agricultural dinners and public meetings gave opportunities for the most violent denunciations against Sir Robert Peel, the government, and free trade. The manufacturers—the creators of wealth, and who sustained so large a portion of the public burdens—were represented as a selfish, callous set of men, eager only to acquire riches, even at the expense of all other classes of the community. They were described as disloyal and revolutionary, and bent upon the destruction of throne and constitution. It would be difficult to determine whether the orations at the protectionist groupings, or those at the chartist gatherings were most characterised by class invidiousness; nor could it be adjudged in which the less sound views of political economy were enunciated. The eloquence greatly preponderated on the side of the Chartists. Cotton was also quite as patriotic as corn. The operatives declared that “the country” was ruined by class legislation, and therefore desired that their own class should thenceforward possess the legislative power. The landowners declared that “the country” although not yet destroyed, was on the brink of destruction, and must speedily perish amidst blood and bankruptcy, unless the landed interest had again the power to make laws of which the Reform Bill had deprived it, and unless agricultural produce was “protected,” by legislatively enhancing its price for the benefit of the producers. “A fair day’s wages for a fair day’s work,” and the state to have the responsibility of securing it to the liking of those who made the demand, was as much the principle of squires as of operative cotton-spinners. Lord George Bentinck was a Fergus O’Connor for “the country party,” and Fergus was the Lord George Bentinck of the labouring town populations.
The public demonstrations of both these parties were often very unfortunate, in consequence of mismanagement by those to whom the getting up of these affairs were committed. These occurrences tended to lower both Chartists and Protectionists in public estimation, as various witty publications lampooned the prominent actors, and exposed them to overwhelming ridicule. The most signal opportunity afforded to the wits in this way was by the Chartists. On the 25th of October they announced a great public dinner to be given in London to eighteen members of parliament, whom they alleged had been returned to the House of Commons by their influence, and to represent their opinions. When the dinner-party assembled, not one of the eighteen honourable gentlemen appeared, nor did it transpire that even one had given any acceptance of the invitation! Fergus O’Connor was an exception from the application of these remarks. He was there as a matter of course, and elaborately puffed his absurd land scheme, by which so many were afterwards ruined.
The anti-slavery party were in many respects active, notwithstanding the home incidents which occupied the public mind. It was necessary to watch the conduct of government in reference to the recent enactment concerning the sugar duties, and also their general policy in regard to the sugar question, and the West India interest. The conduct of the West India party was suspicious, and required the vigilance of the anti-slavery men; and the coalition between that party and Lord George Ben thick added another motive still for watchfulness. Many of the anti-slavery people turned their attention to India, and were supported by gentlemen of influence, military and mercantile, in efforts to rouse public interest in the resources of India, and the adaptation of these resources to English requirements, rendering the importation of commodities produced by slave labour unnecessary. George Thompson, Esq., who had been returned for the Tower Hamlets, one of the largest and most influential constituencies in the kingdom, a man of surpassing eloquence, took a very active part in this movement. A correct insight as to its object and spirit may be imparted to the reader by a resolution passed at a great meeting of the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets on the 26th of October:—“After an eloquent address, expository of the subject, G.Thompson, Esq., M.P., moved a resolution to the general effect that it had been demonstrated that India had the capacity of producing every tropical raw commodity required by England for the constant and profitable employment of her population. That England, although mistress of India, was rendered year by year more dependent upon the United States for her supply of raw cotton and tobacco; both being the produce of slave labour. That, consequently, the prosperity of this country, and the stability of a large portion of the public revenue, were made dependent upon the vicissitudes of the seasons, upon the maintenance of peace between England and America, and upon the continuance of internal peace among the Slave States. That such dependence, besides perpetuating slavery, was to a great extent, the source of existing calamities, and pregnant with future evils to the interests of England. That the free agricultural population of British India would become the natural customers of this country in the exact measure that they would if permitted to become the producers of commodities for the wants of England, but that they were rendered incapable of competing with the United States, by reason of the burdens imposed upon their soil and industry. Therefore, resolved—That it is the duty of the people of England, for the sake alike of England, of India, and of the enslaved throughout the world, to require of the legislature the immediate removal of all imposts which depress the agricultural energies of the native population; and the institution of a strict and impartial inquiry, in India, into the condition of the natives, and into the conduct and the acts arising out of the peculiar government ruling over them, which affect their wellbeing, and retard their prosperity. Mr. W. Howitt seconded the resolutions, which were carried unanimously, and the meeting separated.”
THE COURT.
There were few incidents of interest connected with the court during the year. In February Prince Albert was proposed to the University of Cambridge as candidate for the chancellorship. He was opposed by Earl Powis, and with such effect as to prove very mortifying to the court.. Prince Albert was elected by a majority of only one hundred and sixteen votes, and it was obvious that but for the prodigious exertion of government patronage, that result would not have been obtained. His royal highness was installed publicly at Cambridge early in July. Her majesty, having determined to accompany her husband on this occasion, a vast concourse of persons repaired to Cambridge, and the government made every effort to give éclat to the event. The royal party travelled by the Eastern Counties railway, and were received by the mayor and corporation of Cambridge with much pomp. Repairing to the Hall of Trinity, they were received by the dignitaries of the university. There her majesty took her seat on a chair of state on a dais. The new chancellor, accompanied by the Duke of Wellington (Chancellor of Oxford), and other great personages, presented an address to her majesty, congratulating her on her arrival. The prince, having read the address, retired with the usual profound obeisances, which not only amused the spectators, but afforded much diversion to her majesty, whose mode of smiling indicated how much she enjoyed the burlesque of the scene.
The following day, the Installation Ode was performed in the presence of the new chancellor. Her majesty was present as a visitor. The ode was composed by Wordsworth, the poet-laureate, and set to music by Professor Walmisley. Flower-shows, public breakfasts, concerts, levees, grand university dinners, entertained the numerous visitors of rank during the stay of the royal party. Her majesty had seldom before been attended by so august and splendid a retinue, consisting of Prince Waldemar of Prussia, Prince Laurenstein, Prince Peter of Oldenburg, the Prince of Saxe-Weimar, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith (the hero of Aliwal), the Bishop of Oxford, and nearly all the gentry of the eastern counties. Cambridge had probably never witnessed such a festal occasion, and never before did her majesty seem so much to enjoy herself. It was generally observed that her fondness for the prince was carried to excess, and that her enjoyment was mainly derived from the honour done to him. That this amiable character, so much calculated to ensure her own domestic happiness, and to set a good example to her people, belonged to her majesty in a degree seldom evinced by royal personages, many proofs had been given before, and many were given after, the visit to Cambridge. A work entitled “The Journal of Thomas Baikes, Esq.,” professed to make many singular revelations to that effect. Mr. Baikes, the son of a wealthy London merchant, had somehow an early introduction to haut ton, and continued, in London and Paris, to live in the society of men of rank and fashion, a species of Beau Brummel. The Duke of Wellington gave to Mr. Baikes the following incident, which took place at the marriage of the Princess Augusta: “When we proceeded to the signatures, the King of Hanover was very anxious to sign before Prince Albert, and when the queen approached the latter, he placed himself by her side, watching the opportunity. She knew very well what he was about; and just as the archbishop was giving her the pen, she suddenly dodged round the table, placed herself next the prince, then quickly took the pen from the archbishop, signed, and gave it to Prince Albert, who also signed next, before it could be prevented. The queen was also very anxious to give the precedence at court to King Leopold before the King of Hanover, and she consulted me about it, and how it should be arranged. I told her majesty that I supposed it should be settled as we did at the Congress of Vienna. ‘How was that,’ said she, ‘by first arrival?’—‘No, ma’am,’ said I, ‘alphabetically, and then, you know B comes before H.’ This pleased her very much, and it was done.”
This was hardly fair to the Duke of Cumberland, and shows her majesty’s strong attachment to the Cobourgs; but his grace of Cumberland and majesty of Hanover never acted as an uncle to the queen, and would have gladly made the Orange party available to mount her throne. The Duke of Wellington knew all this; and as he regarded it to be one of his especial missions to watch over her majesty, he willingly lent himself to those little artifices which tended to place the King of Hanover in an inferior position relative to that of Prince Albert, or of the King of the Belgians.
The only other event connected with the court, except such as will appear in the history of parliamentary transactions, was the visit to Scotland in August. This visit was paid in compliance with the wishes of the prince, who had on a previous occasion greatly enjoyed the opportunities of sporting which Scotland afforded. On the 11th of August, the queen, the prince, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and suite left Osborne House in the Victoria and Albert yacht, with the Fairy as tender, and escorted by a fleet of war-steamers. Her majesty stayed one night at the Scilly Islands, then passed through the Menai Straits, and steered for the Isle of Man. The fleet sailed close to the island, but her majesty did not land. On Monday, the 16th, the fleet anchored in Loch Ryan: their entrance to the mouth of the Clyde was very picturesque, and was observed by great numbers, in yachts and steamers, who had made excursions for the purpose. On the following day her majesty landed at Dumbarton, and inspected the old castle. The squadron anchored for the night under the castle of Rothsay, from which place the Prince of Wales derives his Scottish ducal title. On the Wednesday they proceeded up Loch Fyne; at Tarbut her majesty gazed with long and deep interest upon the glorious scenery. The royal party landed at Inverary, where the Duke of Argyll and the Campbells paid feudal homage, the clansmen assembling in their national costume.