The revolutionary history of the Austrian empire during the year 1848 was instructive, and full of the most eventful changes and great results. On another page the progress of affairs in Austrian Italy was sketched, and the relation of the kasir’s interests there to contiguous Italian states pointed out. The whole empire was, however, convulsed, and the throes of every part communicated its vibrations to the whole. The revolt in Hungary constituted the most interesting and important part of the great transactions which occurred within the limits of the empire. The government of the kasir succeeded, by exciting the jealousy of Magyar and German, Croat and Hungarian, metropolitan and provincial, in holding the difficult balance, and in preserving the empire in its integrity from the flood which flowed over it with such disintegrating force.
The revolution in Hungary was completely successful, and Vienna itself was menaced by a Hungarian army. The heroism of an Englishman, General Guyon, rendered the greatest military services; and the eloquence and wisdom of a civilian, Louis Kossuth, guided the aspirations and resolves of armed Hungary. Ultimately, indeed, by the aid of Russian armies, the Austrian was enabled once more to tread out the fire of Hungarian liberty; but 1848 saw the gallant Magyars victorious.
The Viennese, notwithstanding their contiguity to the court and their close dependence upon the kasir, rose in arms, and obtained an extensive recognition of those rights which the people everywhere claimed. Those who by extreme measures and views marred the cause of freedom elsewhere, did so at Vienna. The socialist element was the ruin of the revolution. The thinking and the morally sound portions of the citizens were detached from the popular cause, in and out of Vienna, and the arms of the emperor finally triumphed over the barricades of the capital.
THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION.
Representatives from all the German states, where successful revolutions had been effected, assembled in Frankfort to form a closer confederacy of the German states. The ambition of Prussia and Austria found scope in this new sphere of action. The Prussian king was desirous to be elected emperor of Germany, and supposed that the Frankfort parliament would subserve his purpose. Never did an assembly of men utter finer, noble principles, than that, nor did any display such utter impracticability. They occupied the time in visionary schemes, which ought to have been devoted to secure the liberty of each individual state, and they sacrificed the interests of nations to the German invidiousness of race. The socialist party tried to force their own especial objects upon the assembly, and when unsuccessful, deluged Frankfort with blood. They followed the policy and conduct of their prototypes, the red republicans of Paris, in their resistance to the provisional government. The irreconcilable differences of opinion between the advocates of change gave kings advantage in the reactionary policy which they meditated before the year was out.
DENMARK.—SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.
The inhabitants of the duchies revolted against the king of Denmark; this arose partly from that hatred to all other races characteristic of the German. The Schleswig-Holsteiners could not endure amalgamation, or even close alliance with the Scandinavian race, much less with the Sclaves, should the Emperor of Russia inherit the throne of Denmark. The people of the duchies were desirous to be identified more with Germany, and this was, notwithstanding other pretences, the main-spring of the revolt. The King of Prussia, never true to his engagements, violated treaties, and marched his troops into the duchies. This dispute was one with which England might have been involved, as she had certain treaty obligations which rendered the possibility of such a result the subject of speculation.