“Mr. Maurice O’Connell proposed, and Mr. T. Galway seconded, the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:—‘That we, this association, view with disgust and indignation the bill brought in by the ministers, entitled, A bill for the better security of the crown and government of the United Kingdom. That we consider such bill, instead of answering its professed purposes, to be of such a character as the odious six acts of Lord Castlereagh’s ministry, with the aggravation that the latter were only legal and temporary, while this is intended as general and perpetual. That we consider such bill as in fact a bill to encourage the odious spy system, and prevent all discussion of the wants of the people, whether by the press or at meetings. That we therefore express our detestation of this measure, and call upon the repeal members of parliament to oppose the passing of such bill by all constitutional means.’
“Mr. O’Connell next proposed, and Mr. Galway seconded, a resolution, that it be referred to the committee to have a case prepared for counsel upon the construction of the convention act, 33 George HI., cap. 29. Mr. O’Connell observed that although his father had not matured the project of assembling three hundred delegates in Dublin, he had never abandoned it up to the period of his death. (Cheers.) ‘The liberator’ had frequently consulted lawyers of great celebrity, to fortify his own opinion, but the result of his consultation with others was that he had grave and fearful doubts as to its legality. The project was accordingly suffered to remain in abeyance. They were determined never to advise or sanction any rash or precipitate act; they would act only within the law, and were anxious to ascertain whether the delegates could assemble legally in Dublin. This was the object of obtaining counsel’s opinion upon the subject; and if the step could be taken with safety, and within the bounds of law, in the name of God they would take it. (Cheers.)
“Mr. O’Connell called the attention of the association to a resolution adopted at the last meeting of the Confederation, admitting ‘to membership all enrolled members of the Conciliation Hall, on the same ternis as members of the Confederation.’ It was also intimated that seats would be reserved at the meeting of the Confederation for the accommodation of the members of Conciliation Hall. Now he (Mr. O’Connell) wished to warn every member of the association against accepting that invitation, or making use of the privileges (if privileges they were) thus offered by the Confederation. (Hear, hear.) The safety of the association consisted entirely in keeping strictly within the letter of the law, and he hoped none of its members would directly or indirectly sanction or identify themselves with any of the proceedings of the Confederation.”
The Orangemen, as a body, also took active measures. They addressed a memorial to the lord-lieutenant, protesting their loyalty, and offering their support.. Their assistance was accepted, arms were distributed to them, and there is no doubt they would have been bravely used on the side of the government. A knowledge that the Orangemen were arming in support of the crown, tended very much to depress the hopes and check the actions of the seditious. The rifle clubs adopted ball-practice, it is true, but they confined their shooting to the precincts of the clubs. When a petty insurrection did break forth, not a shot was fired by the clubs, after so much preparation on their part, and so much expenditure of eloquence in boasting of their bravery, and eagerness for the field.
The transportation of John Mitchell did not extinguish the zeal of the insurgent press. The United Irishman was suppressed, to resume a new life under the title of the Felon, which was as true to its designation as treason could make it. A paper called the Irish Tribune vied with the Felon and the Nation, in open incentives to insurrection.
It was the policy of the leaders to wait until the harvest was gathered, and this was openly proclaimed by them, which enabled the government more effectually to frustrate their schemes. The editor of the Felon counselled the people, however, to resist if their leaders were arrested, even if the harvest were not reaped. “After harvest if we may; before harvest if we must,” was the counsel of this authority, and the general tenour of the advice given by all the chiefs. The government, upon these indications, took vigorous measures to enable the lord-lieutenant by extraordinary power to suppress or prevent any revolt; the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and it was left to the discretion of his lordship to call out the Protestant yeomanry of the north of Ireland.
The House of Commons having assembled on Saturday, the 22nd of July, for a sitting at noon, Lord John Russell rose, amidst profound silence, and proposed a motion of the most important character: a relation of the circumstance is introduced here, rather than in the parliamentary history of the year, because it places in a clearer view the progress of the Irish insurrection, and the government policy in respect to it. His lordship, after a pause in which he betrayed considerable emotion, moved for leave to bring in a bill to empower the lord-lieutenant, or other chief governor or governors of Ireland, to apprehend and detain, until the first of March, 1849, such persons as he should suspect of conspiring against her majesty’s person and government. The noble lord having expressed his deep regret at being compelled to suspend the constitutional liberties of Ireland, and declared that, in his opinion, such a measure was absolutely necessary for the preservation of life and property in Ireland, for the prevention of the effusion of blood, and for the stopping of insurrection, proceeded to state the grounds upon which he rested his proposition. He considered it would be necessary for him to prove three things:—First that the present state of things in Ireland was fraught with evil; that it threatened danger; that we were on the eve of an outbreak, if not timely prevented. Secondly, that there were means sufficient to produce great evils and dangers unless some measures should be adopted to counteract them. Thirdly, that the measure he proposed was the most appropriate for its purpose. He did not propose to rest his case on any secret information known only to the government; but he would rest it on facts patent, notorious, and palpable. He then traced the history of the Irish Confederation, establishing, from the manifestoes published in the Felon and Nation newspapers, that the determination of these confederates was to entirely abolish the imperial government; to take away from the queen all authority in Ireland; to annihilate all the rights of property; to hold up the hope of plunder to those who would break their oaths of allegiance and join in rebellion; and to hold up the threat of depriving all those of their property who would remain fast to their allegiance, and refuse to assist in the insurrection. One of these manifestoes, entitled, “The Value of the Irish Harvest,” set forth that there was growing on the Irish soil eighty millions of produce, and declared that it would be for the new Irish Council of Three Hundred to decide how this produce should be apportioned: thus showing that, by one sweeping confiscation, the masters of this red republic were prepared to disregard all existing social rules, and to reduce everything to anarchy. The noble lord then described the means of effecting their treasonable objects possessed by the confederates. All the intelligence received by the government proved that the organisation of the clubs was formidable, that it was rapidly progressing, and that in many parts of the country the plans of the associates were ripe for execution. He adduced the accounts obtained from Tipperary, Meath, Louth, Cork, Waterford, and other counties, as evidence of the formidable nature of the organisation of the insurgents; the information received from all quarters, and the opinions obtained from various persons, being to the one effect, that though persons of property and the clergy of all denominations were decidedly against an outbreak, no influence would have any effect in deterring many thousands of the younger men, especially of the farmer class, from joining in the proposed insurrection; in fact, nothing was now wanting but the naming of the day and hour, to be fixed by the leaders, for carrying into effect this fatal revolution. The noble lord quoted a letter received that day from Lord Clarendon, in which the lord-lieutenant stated that the aspect of things was growing worse, and that the increasing disloyalty, on the part of the Irish people, was most rapid within the last few days. It might be necessary, he said, to introduce a measure for the prevention of the organisation of clubs, but the first, the most direct, the immediate and efficacious remedy for the existing evil would be the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act—a power to be given to the lord-lieutenant of at once securing the persons of those suspected of high treason. The government might have been justified in demanding this power at an earlier period, but they delayed it as long as it was possible. He implored the house, if their conviction was this measure should pass, to lose no time in arming the lord-lieutenant with the power requisite. Without it, rebellion could undoubtedly be put down, but it would be at the expense of blood—at the cost of much misery and ruin. No man could say what the consequence of withholding these powers even for a day would be. The government undertook the responsibility, however odious it might be, of proposing this measure; and they confidently asked the house to accept their responsibility, mindful of the blessings they would preserve, and aware of the risks they might incur.
A petition was presented to the house from the mayor and leading merchants of Liverpool, expressing gratitude for this measure, and declaring the apprehensions entertained from the active communications passing between the disaffected in Ireland and the large Irish population in Liverpool. In all the great towns of Lancashire sympathy with Ireland was expressed, and threats were made of firing the manufactories and the merchants’ stores, to prevent the dispatch of troops to that country. A Mr. MacManus, a trader in Liverpool, was the most prominent person among the disaffected in Lancashire. This person procured a beautiful uniform of green and gold, and proceeded to Ireland, expecting to appear on the field of action as an extempore commander. The police were on his track, and he was arrested, with all his military finery, and committed to prison, without even having signalised himself in command of a corporal’s guard of pikemen. Mr. MacManus was an honest man to the cause to which his whole heart was given. The night before he left for Ireland, he slept at the house of a merchant in Manchester, named Porteus; that gentleman used all his influence to dissuade his friend from so mad an exploit, but in vain. The embryo chief left a considerable store of pistols in the custody of Mr. Porteus, which were delivered to the chief constable of Manchester.
The vigorous proceedings of the executive, both in England and Ireland, compelled the Irish leaders, without waiting for the harvest, to decide upon a course of action. Their first project was to seize the metropolis. It was garrisoned by about twelve thousand men—a small force, had there been unanimity and determination on the part of the Irish people; but the leaders were obliged to fly to the provinces, or conceal themselves, in order to avoid arrest; and, in fact, they felt that the fortitude of the clubs could not be relied upon for so bold an enterprise. After all their preparations and their boasting, the members of the clubs—their chief reliance—were too few in number, and inadequately armed for such an exploit.
The project was then adopted for the leaders to repair to those parts of the country where the clubs were most numerous, and supposed to be most resolute, and there proceed with their organisation until the government attempted to arrest them, when the clubs were to rise for their rescue. It was supposed that the excitement produced by the arrest of the leaders was necessary to inflame the enthusiasm of the populace. How little did they know the real feelings of the multitude upon whose generosity and manhood they thus adventurously threw themselves!