THE COURT.
There were but few incidents which especially concerned the royal family, but these were important. On the 18th of March her majesty gave birth to a princess, her fourth daughter. The baptism took place on the 13th of May, in the private chapel at Buckingham Palace. The Archbishop of Canterbury officiated. The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the Duchess of Saxe-Meinengen, and the Grandduchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, were the sponsors, represented by Prince Albert, the queen-dowager, and the Duchess of Cambridge, as proxies. The name of the princess was Louisa Carolina Alberta. The queen gave a state banquet in the picture-gallery, in honour of the occasion, and afterwards an evening party..
On the 27th of May her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia died at Kensington Palace. She expired in her arm-chair, painlessly, at the age of seventy-one. She was the twelfth daughter of George III., and was born on the 3rd of November, 1777.
PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
West-India Interest.—On the 3rd of February parliament reassembled after the Christmas recess. When the usual preliminaries on those occasions were over, the first matter of business was in connection with the West India interest, which complained much of distress, and attributed it to imperial legislation. Lord George Bentinck, who became the leader of the West-India, as well as of the country party, moved for a select committee of inquiry into the condition of the West-India colonies. Mr. James Wilson and Mr. Bernai delivered themselves more happily than the other honourable members who engaged in the discussion. The motion was agreed to without a division. This was followed by a motion on the part of the chancellor of the exchequer for a loan of £200,000 to certain of the West-India colonies. On the 10th of June Lord John Russell proposed certain remedial measures for the West-India colonies, which gave rise to long and intensely bitter discussions; but the government succeeded in carrying substantially through parliament its proposals. During these discussions Mr. Hume made himself very conspicuous as a champion of the West-India planters, and showed an indifference to the rights, liberties, and interests of the labourers, irreconcilable with correct views of civil and religious liberty, and with the honourable member’s own professed liberalism where popular claims were concerned. The part taken by Mr. Bright gave great offence to the anti-slavery party, who considered it more consistent with his interests as a Lancashire cottonspinner, than with his profession as a quaker and an antislavery man. In the course of these debates, Lord George Bentinck, in indignant terms, denounced Lord Grey, as the head of the Colonial-office, for returning to parliament garbled extracts from the reports and despatches of colonial governors. In the lords, Earl Grey defended his conduct from this imputation; but Lord Stanley, with uncommon eloquence, reiterated the charge. No public man ever came out of a personal discussion less favourable than the noble minister for the colonies on this occasion. The simple truth evoked was, that while a committee of the house supposed that they were possessed of full and complete reports, they were supplied with only curt and crude extracts, calculated to place matters in the ministerial light, but not really affording the committee the opinions of those whose views they purported to be. This practice was, unfortunately, common with great officers of state; but it seemed to be so much beneath the high reputation of Earl Grey, that the public were astonished and scandalised. Few modern events tended more to destroy the popular confidence in eminent public men, and with the people Lord Grey never recovered his popularity. He had been guilty of a trick which ought to have been punishable by parliament, for it was incompatible with all just views of ministerial responsibility.
Financial Measures of the Government.—The Whigs had for some time proved themselves to be indifferent financiers. In this respect Sir R. Peel had for years maintained a reputation superior to that acquired by any of the whig leaders. During this year the government was not successful in reconciling either parliament or the country to their plans of revenue. Their defeats were signal, and their victories very hardly won. Soon after the meeting of parliament, Lord John Russell made a financial statement, from which it appeared the income fell short of the expenditure by nearly three millions. Lord John estimated that the balance for the year 1848-9 would show a deficiency of more than two millions. To meet these adverse balances upon two years, his lordship proposed that the income-tax, which was to expire in April, should be continued for five years, and be increased from sevenpence in the pound to one shilling. This proposal was received by a burst of ironical cheers, and other sounds indicative of the strong disapprobation of the house. His lordship stated that Ireland would not be included in the measure, as from her recent and present sufferings, she was unable to bear increased taxation. This statement was received with the most violent and vehement shouts of disapprobation from the English and Scotch members on the ministerial side of the house, and the most boisterous cheers from the Irish members on both sides—the opposition, generally (with the exception of the exultant Irish conservative members), remaining silent. The opposition to the income-tax out of doors was very energetic, so that on the 28th of February the chancellor of the exchequer came forward with an amended budget. He proposed that the income-tax should continue at the same rate for three years. After a warm parliamentary opposition, led by Mr. Hume, the government resolutions were carried.
Bill to legalise diplomatic intercourse with Rome.—A bill for this purpose was introduced in the lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne. It was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle and the Bishop of Winchester with great earnestness, the latter particularly objecting to the expression “sovereign pontiff” in the bill. The influence of the Duke of Wellington secured the second reading without a division. On the committal of the bill, the illustrious duke proposed the substitution of the words “sovereign of the Roman states” for those of “sovereign pontiff.” The Whigs, always ready to conciliate their Roman Catholic supporters at the expense of principle, offered the utmost resistance to the duke’s proposal, which, in spite of his great authority in the house, was only carried by a majority of three. In the commons the bill was also carried, and by large majorities. The opposition to it was badly led by Mr. Anstey; the chief champion of the measure was the celebrated Irish orator, Richard Lalor Shiel. During these debates the Whigs, and especially the members of government, adopted the vocabulary of Roman Catholics, such as “the holy father,” “the holy see,” “the head of the church,” &c. Mr. Shiel exceeded the bounds of prudence in this respect. Still, while from some quarters a warm opposition out of doors was offered, the great bulk of the people in Great Britain regarded the progress of the measure with indifference.
Bill for the Alteration op the Navigation Laws.—It has been already shown that the intention of the government to make some alteration in these laws was the occasion of a fierce agitation, and of one of the most remarkable popular demonstrations ever made in this country. A variety of circumstances tended to determine the government. The free-trade party insisted upon it as necessary to carry out their principle; and the legislative council and assembly of Canada, had, in 1847, adopted a joint address to the queen, praying for the opening of the St. Lawrence to all nations, and the abolition of the navigation laws. From various other colonies remonstrances as to the operations of these laws were constantly arriving at the Colonial office; foreign powers had also expressed complaints and offered reciprocity. On these grounds, as well as on sound principles of political economy, the government pressed for a decision of the house against the continuance of the state of the laws as they stood. Sir Robert Peel gave the government a very effective support, declaring that these laws could not possibly be preserved on their present basis. Mr. Hume, who was a very forward champion of English radicalism and colonial monopoly, at first objected to the new policy, but in equivocal and undecided terms, and finally supported the government. Mr. Gladstone spoke as if for the purpose of showing that he could consistently support either side, as he practically opposed both. Mr. Cobden made a “peace-society” speech, as illogical as it was inappropriate, in reply to which Mr. Disraeli delivered an oration, the statistics of which were for him unusually accurate; and confuted the allegations upon which Mr. Cobden based his theory, that we did not require to nurse a marine for martial purposes. Mr. Disraeli satirised with great effect the representations of the quies gentium sine armis, which Mr. Cobden had been so much in the habit of making before 1848. The appeal to the patriotism and glory of the country, with which the honourable member concluded his speech, was followed by the cheers of the whole house The government, however, triumphed, but was deterred by the opposition out of doors, and the feelings of the seamen, which their demonstration had so plainly indicated, from pressing forward its views in the form of a bill. Leave, however, was granted to bring in a bill on the subject, the consideration of which was postponed to another session.