A war broke out between Morocco and Spain, which England used great exertions to prevent, but which France not only encouraged but instigated. The British government protested against Spain conquering territory, and occupying strongholds on the African coasts opposite to Gibraltar. So far as France was concerned in this war she betrayed a desire that Spain should do what England was interested in preventing; the French knowing that they could, from their own conquests in Africa, drive out the Spaniards when they pleased, while the two nations united in holding positions of strength in Africa, might countervail the power in the Mediterranean which England derived from Gibraltar.
On the 12th of January an attempt was made to assassinate the Emperor of the French, while in his carriage proceeding to the opera. The plot was concocted by an Italian refugee, named Orsini, who was aided by others, especially three Italians, named Rudio, Pierri, and Gomez. The instruments of murder were shells, so made as to be thrown by the hand, and detonate when coming in contact with any hard substance. These shells had been manufactured in Birmingham, where Orsini, and some of his companions, had temporarily resided. This circumstance inflamed the mind of the French emperor and the French army against England. The latter presented addresses to his majesty, from various corps, denouncing England as the asylum of conspirators, and a den of assassins; and denominating the English people as the confederates and encouragers of conspirators and assassins. Offers were made by some of the corps of the French army to invade England, and drag from “the assassins’ den” the conspirators. These inflammatory addresses were well received at the Tuileries, and answers given which were not respectful to England. These proceedings in France were followed up by addresses from the senate, in which foreign governments were called upon, in a dictatorial and insolent tone, to make their laws against refugees more stringent. These addresses, and the way in which the French emperor received them, produced a great ferment in all the free countries of the world, and the people of England were stung to the quick. The English government, however, bore tamely these insults. An affrontful despatch, through the French ambassador, made a climax to the haughty proceedings of France, and the mode in which the government received it was so timeserving and timid in the eyes of the English people, that the popularity of the Palmerston administration was destroyed. That administration had been restored to power with increased popularity, as well as a large majority, upon the dissolution caused by the defeat of the previous year on the Chinese question, but the timidity shown in dealing with the insolence of the French ambassador, army, emperor, press, and people, deprived it of all weight in the country. The defeat and resignation of the English ministry resulted from this feeling. The general tone of the French government, however, became modified by the strength of will shown on the part of the English people, united with their unmistakable abhorrence of the crime which led to the bad feeling—at all events the immediate bad feeling—between the two countries. The emperor made such acknowledgments to the British government as amounted to an apology, and the mind of the people became quieted on the subject, especially as the ministry was, for its pusillanimity, hurled from power. Still, during the whole of 1858, although the ostensible alliance was never broken, there existed no good will towards England on the part of France, and no confidence in the peaceful disposition of France and its emperor either to England or any other power pervaded the public opinion of Britain. The suspicions of the English people were verified in 1859. On the first day of that year, at a reception in Paris, the emperor lectured the Austrian ambassador in a manner insulting to the sovereign he represented, and which portended war. The Austrian dominion in Italy was harsh, bigoted, and unjust. The Germans, always so invidious in pride of race, were so in Italy to a degree which goaded the Italians to desperation. The Austrians at last violated the Sardinian territory, and France declared war. The French and Italians, allies in a short campaign, drove the Austrians, with terrible slaughter out of Lombardy, and all their Italian provinces except Venice. The French emperor made peace as suddenly as he had made war. A convention at Villafranca, followed by a conference and treaty at Zurich, settled the affairs of Italy, as far as the two emperors were concerned. The Italian people were not, however, parties to the treaty, and would not be bound by it. They determined upon annexation to Piedmont, whereas the emperor resolved to restore the Italian duchies to the sovereigns. Events may here be anticipated, so far as to say that the diplomatic interposition of England was used in favour of the Italian people, and influenced France in favour of a policy less concessive to Austria. Throughout the period 1858-9, the firmness and good sense of the people of England, acting decisively upon their government, ensured peace with France, which the intemperance, intrigue, and arrogance of our ally made it difficult to preserve.
NAPLES.
For many years the intercourse between the governments of her majesty and the King of Naples were unsatisfactory, for the reasons assigned in previous chapters. During the period included in this chapter, Naples was in a very disturbed state, and the people of Italy were desirous to aid their brethren of that kingdom in bringing about a revolution. A ship, called Cagliari, the property of Sardinian subjects, was engaged, ostensibly for other purposes but really to land a small force in Naples, with supplies of arms and munitions of war, and precipitate a revolution. The captain of the ship was a Sardinian, and ignorant of the plot. The engineers were Englishmen, and also ignorant of the plot. The conspirators seized the ship, and compelled the captain and engineers to direct the vessel to Naples. The government of that country had information of the design, and sent a war vessel to intercept that on board of which the conspirators were. The capture was effected. The Sardinian captain and British engineers, although obviously innocent, were subjected to cruel injuries and indignities. The Sardinian government interposed, but was not in a condition to enforce its rights. Lord Palmerston’s cabinet neglected the claims of the British subjects so injured, except by empty and futile remonstrances. When that cabinet was thrown out for its timid policy towards France, on the refugee question, the government of Lord Derby took the matter up with energy, and Lord Malmesbury, then foreign secretary, adopted a tone as bold and as English, as his conduct in the case of Mr. Mather, in Tuscany, some years before, was incompetent and cowardly. The threat of force by the English government secured the restoration of the unjustly imprisoned English, and some measure of compensation. This circumstance gave weight to the government of Lord Derby, both at home and abroad.
PRUSSIA.
On the 20th of January the Princess Royal of England was married to the eldest son of the Crown Prince of Prussia. For a time this increased the influence abroad both of England and Prussia, and the two nations seemed to be very firmly allied. After a short time, Prussia relapsed into her old pro-Russian sympathies, and lost all popularity in England. The marriage of the heir-presumptive of the Prussian throne and the Princess Royal of England caused great festivities, both in London and Berlin, in January, and gave satisfaction to the freer nations of the Continent.