To repel the three French and Italian divisions Dokhturov was now obliged to send in Raievski’s second division. Once more the Russian infantry poured into the ruins of Maloyaroslavetz, driving their opponents before them and thrusting them down the slope towards the bridge. But the head of Davout’s corps was at length arriving, and Eugène accordingly sent in his last reserve, the Royal Guard of Italy. Its six battalions finally turned the scale against the Russian 6th and 7th Corps, which, still fighting furiously, were driven back upon and through the ruins of the town. Davout’s corps artillery forced the batteries on the east to retire; the entire artillery of the 4th Corps was pushed to the front over the dead and dying to support the infantry, while Compans’ and Gérard’s divisions crossed a temporary bridge and took up positions, the former on Eugène’s left, the latter to his right.
The French were masters of the blood-stained ruins of Maloyaroslavetz, and that was all. While the battle was raging Kutuzov had stationed his whole army just south of the town and commenced to entrench himself. He relieved the 6th Corps by the 8th and the 3rd Division, and directed Borozdin and Raievski once more to assault the dreadful ruins of Maloyaroslavetz. Borozdin’s leading troops entered it, but were driven out again, and, realising that the French hold was now too firm to be shaken, the Russians finally withdrew; but their immense artillery commanded every exit, and their skirmishers were everywhere close up to those of their opponents. The 7th and 8th Corps and the 3rd Division were in front line; the 2nd, 4th, 5th and 6th with the rest of the 3rd in second and third, while the powerful cavalry covered both flanks as far as the Luzha.
So far as a single event can be fixed upon as the decisive point of Napoleon’s career that event is undoubtedly the battle of Maloyaroslavetz. Dokhturov’s swift decision, splendidly seconded by the desperate fighting of the 6th and 7th Corps, had definitely ended all hope of carrying out the retreat with success. It may be doubted whether, even by marching by way of Kaluga, the army would have succeeded in retaining much discipline and cohesion; but, at any rate, it would have been the only chance, and now the attempt had failed. Napoleon knew it. He established his head-quarters in a peasant’s hut at Gorodnia, about 5 miles north of Maloyaroslavetz, and to him in the evening he called Murat, Berthier and Bessières. He was seated at a table on which was spread a map of the country, and began to detail the situation to the generals. Suddenly the full extent of his imminent ruin seemed to burst upon him, and, dropping his head upon his hands and his elbows upon the table, he remained for more than an hour staring at the map, the comrades of his sixteen years of victory waiting for him to speak, silent and mournful. Rising at last he dismissed them without further comment, apparently resolved on a final desperate throw of the dice. He sent word to Davout to relieve Eugène’s weary troops at the front, and that he would himself bring up the Guard in support. Ney, who had now reached Fominskoië, was ordered to bring Ledru’s and Razout’s divisions to a point between Borovsk and Maloyaroslavetz, leaving Claparède and Scheler to guard the vast assemblage of trains at the former place.
Meanwhile Kutuzov had also been deliberating. He had announced his intention of standing to fight on the ground which he held; but as the hours wore away his resolution failed him. He is not perhaps to be blamed; it was no light thing to meet Napoleon—never so dangerous as when he appeared completely baffled. He knew that the quality of his army, diluted with raw militia-men and recruits of a few weeks’ training, left much to be desired; another battle like that of Borodino would completely cripple it. At any rate, he decided not to accept battle where he stood, but to fall back to another position about 3 miles in rear. This appears to have been strong enough; but it left uncovered the road from Maloyaroslavetz to Medyn, which Napoleon might have used for his retreat. The anger in the Russian army was great. Wilson was furious, and practically accuses Kutuzov of treachery. This is, of course, absurd. The Russian commander-in-chief and the English commissioner were on very bad terms, the latter being apparently rather tactless and too urgent in his efforts to induce the former to take the offensive. There is no question that Kutuzov was too old for his post; but, after all, he was the responsible chief of the Russian armies, and he knew, what Wilson did not, the internal condition of his own. Wild enthusiasm, assisted only by pikes, hardly constitutes a very firm stay against veteran and well-armed warriors led by a great military genius. Nevertheless, it is certain that Wilson and the bellicose Russian corps commanders were correct. The position behind Maloyaroslavetz was a better one than that which had been held with such desperate obstinacy at Borodino, and to defend it Kutuzov, after deducting the losses on the previous day, had 100,000 regulars and 15,000 irregulars with over 600 guns. Against these Napoleon could bring only the Guard (less Claparède’s division), the 1st and 4th Corps, the bulk of the 3rd and the remains of the reserve cavalry. Mortier was on the march from Moscow to Vereia, Junot near Mozhaïsk, Poniatowski moving westward from Vereia. Allowing for these detachments Napoleon could place in line of battle by the 27th little more than 80,000 men, including the Head-quarters Guard. He would have 12,000 cavalry, mostly in very bad condition, and about 450 badly horsed guns as against at least 620 excellently appointed Russian pieces. This, however, Kutuzov did not accurately know, while he did know that Napoleon was in his front with the bulk of his army. He pointed out that any reverse would be fatal, since behind the present position was a very difficult defile. To Wilson’s heated expostulations he replied angrily that he did not intend to win victories of which only England would reap the benefit! This outbreak may be charitably attributed to ill-temper at Wilson’s worrying of him. The withdrawal was carried out. There was considerable disorder during the passage of the artillery through the defile, but the movement was successfully accomplished, well protected by Miloradovich’s skilful handling of the rear-guard.
THE COUNCIL OF WAR AFTER THE BATTLE OF MALOYAROSLAVETZ
Napoleon in the peasant’s hut at Gorodnia remained for over an hour gazing at his map before making the fatal decision to retreat by the devastated route to Smolensk
Davout in the morning was able to debouch unopposed from Maloyaroslavetz, but his advance was soon checked by the sight of the Russian army, now established in its new position. Meanwhile, Napoleon had started from Gorodnia. He was attended by his usual escort of three or four squadrons. The cavalry of the Guard was some distance behind when, on the road to Maloyaroslavetz, a mass of Cossacks poured out of the woods on the left and raced at the escort. They were riding in good order, says Rapp, so that it was at first thought that they were regulars. They were, in fact, Platov’s own corps, the Ataman having crossed the Luzha early that morning to raid Napoleon’s line of communications. He was now aiming for a park of 40 guns of the Guard near Gorodnia. Rapp seized Napoleon’s bridle and turned his horse, and the escort formed in haste, Rapp thrusting himself before the Emperor to shield him from the lances of the wild moss-troopers. His chivalrous devotion had wellnigh cost him dear, for his horse was killed, but the staff and escort rescued him, and, the cavalry of the Guard coming up, the Cossacks dispersed. They seized the artillery park, however, but the horses being at a distance watering, only 11 guns could be carried off. The bold attempt spread alarm through the army, which was almost all called under arms to resist an expected attack.
Napoleon, probably greatly exasperated, returned to Gorodnia until the way should be safe. At ten o’clock he again started, examined the battle-field and then returned to Gorodnia, having practically wasted a whole day—this when every hour was precious. This may have been because he was still undecided as to what he should do. At his quarters he held a final and stormy council. Murat, bold to the last, advocated advance, and offered to clear a way if the Guard cavalry were added to the remnant of his horsemen. Bessières, however, opposed him, observing that the transport was already failing and that the advance could not be rapid enough to be effective. Davout advised that the Medyn-Smolensk road should be adopted as the main line of retreat, but this was sufficient to provoke the opposition of Murat, who insisted that it was not safe from Russian flank attacks. The end was that Napoleon decided to fall back by the main road to Smolensk, and ordered the whole army to move on to it by way of Mozhaïsk. The road by Medyn, Yukhnov and Ielnia is about 40 miles shorter than the route adopted; the country which it traversed was not yet entirely devastated, and it is strange that Napoleon did not take it, braving the chance of a flank attack by the cautious, and by no means confident, Russian commander-in-chief. It is possible that, whichever route the army might take, it would have been prevented from foraging by the Cossacks. Perhaps also Napoleon hoped to give Kutuzov the impression that he was retreating upon Vitebsk—as, in fact, he at first did.
Kutuzov was, indeed, so little confident that on the 26th he retreated towards Kaluga. His decision has been violently criticised, and not without much show of reason. The only reply is that what we know very well to-day was not so plain to Kutuzov in 1812. He did not believe that his army was a match for Napoleon’s, and that the correct policy was to “play hide and seek” with the invaders, as Clausewitz expresses it, and so wear them out. Having come to this conclusion, Kutuzov proceeded to carry out his design regardless of opposition. He was perhaps wrong, but it cannot be pronounced on the evidence which lay before him at the time that he was. Had Napoleon followed, his army would but have been weakened; had he turned westward the Russians would still have been on his flank. Wherever he went his line of march would be infested by Cossacks. Kutuzov was undoubtedly too cautious; he might have risked more, but he might equally have exposed himself to the counter-strokes of his mighty antagonist, now driven to desperation, and have lost everything. His operations were conducted on the basal idea that Napoleon was not to be beaten by open force, but by steady evasion and constant harassing. From this point of view his retirement was natural. His really serious blunder was committed two days later, and was the direct outcome of Napoleon’s retreat by Mozhaïsk.