CHAPTER V
The Mental Life of the Monkeys; an Experimental Study[22]

The literary form of this monograph is not at all satisfactory to its author. Compelled by practical considerations to present the facts in a limited space, he has found it necessary to omit explanation, illustration and many rhetorical aids to clearness and emphasis. For the same reason detailed accounts of the administration of the experiments have not always been given. In many places theoretical matters are discussed with a curtness that savors of dogmatism. In general when a theoretical point has appeared justified by the evidence given, I have, to economize space, withheld further evidence.

There is, however, to some extent a real fitness in the lack of clearness, completeness and finish in the monograph. For the behavior of the monkeys, by virtue of their inconstant attention, decided variability of performance, and generally aimless, unforetellable conduct would be falsely represented in any clean-cut, unambiguous, emphatic exposition. The most striking testimony to the mental advance of the monkeys over the dogs and cats is given by the difficulty of making clear emphatic statements about them.

Introduction

The work to be described in this paper is a direct continuation of the work done by the author in 1897-1898 and described in Monograph Supplement No. 8 of the Psychological Review under the heading, ‘Animal Intelligence; an Experimental Study of the Associative Processes in Animals.’[23] This monograph affords by far the best introduction to the present discussion, and I shall therefore assume an acquaintance with it on the part of my readers.

It will be remembered that evidence was there given that ordinary mammals, barring the primates, did not infer or compare, did not imitate in the sense of ‘learning to do an act from seeing it done,’ did not learn various simple acts from being put through them, showed no signs of having in connection with the bulk of their performances any mental images. Their method of learning seemed to be the gradual selection of certain acts in certain situations by reason of the satisfaction they brought. Quantitative estimates of this gradualness were given for a number of dogs and cats. Nothing has appeared since the ‘Experimental Study’ to negate any of these conclusions in the author’s mind. The work of Kline and Small[24] on rodents shows the same general aspect of mammalian mentality.

Adult human beings who are not notably deficient in mental functions, at least all such as psychologists have observed, possess a large stock of images and memories. The sight of a chair, for example, may call up in their minds a picture of the person who usually sits in it, or the sound of his name. The sound of a bell may call up the idea of dinner. The outside world also is to them in large part a multitude of definite percepts. They feel the environment as trees, sticks, stones, chairs, tables, letters, words, etc. I have called such definite presentations ‘free ideas’ to distinguish them from the vague presentations such as atmospheric pressure, the feeling of malaise, of the position of one’s body when falling, etc. It is such ‘free ideas’ which compose the substance of thought and which lead us to perhaps the majority of the different acts we perform, though we do, of course, react to the vaguer sort as well. I saw definitely in writing the last sentence the words ‘majority of the different acts’ and thought ‘we perform’ and so wrote it. I see a bill and so take check book and pen and write. I think of the cold outside and so put on an overcoat. This mental function ‘having free ideas,’ gives the possibility of learning to meet situations properly by thinking about them, by being reminded of some property of the fact before us or some element therein.

We can divide all learning into (1) learning by trial and accidental success, by the strengthening of the connections between the sense-impressions representing the situation and the acts—or impulses and acts—representing our successful response to it and by the inhibition of similar connections with unsuccessful responses; (2) learning by imitation, where the mere performance by another of a certain act in a certain situation leads us to do the same; and (3) learning by ideas, where the situation calls up some idea (or ideas) which then arouses the act or in some way modifies it.