| (1) Bē. (2) Krō. | (3) Ingjār. |
| (1) Hànsē. (2) Tutsō. | (3) Bòngrun. (4) Kràmsā. |
| (1) Tòkbī. (2) Sèngnār. | (3) Ròngphār. |
As already mentioned, these kurs are exogamous: an individual belonging to kur Ingtī must go outside that kur for his wife; and similarly Teràng, Lèkthē, and Timung cannot marry wives drawn from within the kur. The sub-groups are, of course, as parts of the larger groups, also exogamous; and it is easy to perceive how one informant may count as a principal group-division what another may regard as a sub-division. All the kurs are now socially on an equality, and have no scruples as to eating together or intermarriage; their traditional rank is, however, as given above. Ingtī is said to have been in former times the priestly clan (Ass. gōhāiṅ); Teràng also claims this dignity, but is thought to be of lower rank; but in both cases the office has fallen entirely into desuetude. Lèkthē is said to have been the military clan, while Timung represented the rest of the people.
The Mikirs who settled in the plains of Nowgong and took to plough cultivation are called Dumrālī by the Mikirs and Tholuā by the Assamese. They are said to have acted as interpreters to the mission which visited the Āhom king at Sibsāgar. They also have the same kurs as the other three sections of hill Mikirs.
The children are counted to their father’s kur, and cannot marry within it. They may, however, marry their first cousins on the mother’s side, and indeed this appears to have been formerly the most usual match. This absence of matriarchal institutions strongly marks off the Mikirs from the Khasis, from whom they have in other respects borrowed much.
The following are common personal names among the Mikirs:—
| MEN. | WOMEN. |
| Sārdokā. | Karèng. |
| Mòn. | Kachē. |
| Dīlī. | Kabàn. |
| Thērē. | Kamàng. |
| Kàngthēr. | Ka-èt. |
| Tāmoi. | Ka-jīr. |
| Temèn. | Katū. |
| Burā. | Karē. |
| Pātōr. | Kasàng. |
| Lòng. | Kadòm. |
| Mèn. | Dīmī. |
| Bī. | Inglē. |
| Sōterā. |
It is said that no meaning is attached to these names; that is, they are not given because of any meaning which they may possess. (It is evident that many of them have a meaning: e.g. Bī is a goat, Lòng a stone, Pātōr is a village official among the Khasis, Burā is Assamese for “an old man,” Tāmoi is probably the Assamese for the betel-nut (tāmol.) Sōterā may be corrupted from sangtarā, orange.) The prefix Ka- in women’s names is manifestly taken from Khasi usage. There are no surnames, but the name of the kur is used to distinguish one individual from another, as Mòn Lèkthē, Mòn Timung.
The age for marriage is from fourteen to twenty-five for the man, ten to fifteen for the girl; eighteen or nineteen and fifteen are the most usual ages. Child marriage is unknown. If a young man fancies a girl (from meeting her at dances and the like), he sends one or both parents to her father’s house, and if the girl’s parents agree, the lad’s father leaves a betrothal ring or bracelet with the girl (this is called ke-roi-dun); sometimes a gourd of rice beer is taken and accepted, and in that case, if she subsequently marries another, the village council fine her family 25 to 35 rupees; otherwise only the betrothal ring or bracelet is returned. The length of the engagement is uncertain, but the actual marriage does not take place till after puberty. When the marriage day is fixed, both families prepare beer and spirits; if the bridegroom is rich, he provides drink for the whole country-side (hòr-hàk hòr-tibuk). The bridegroom’s party, giving a gourd of beer to each village they pass through, arrive at the bride’s house in the evening. There they sit awhile, and then offer one gourd of beer and one glass bottle of spirits to the bride’s father on the hòng. A colloquy ensues: the bride’s father asks the bridegroom’s why they have come, and why these offerings. He answers, “Your sister (i.e. the wife of the speaker) is becoming old and cannot work, so we have brought our son to marry your daughter.” (The custom formerly was that a boy must marry his first cousin on the mother’s side, and if he did not, the maternal uncle could beat the lad as much as he liked; but now they can do as they please.) The reply follows: “My daughter is unworthy, she does not know weaving and other household work.” “Never mind, we will teach her ourselves.” The bride’s father then asks his wife to enquire of the girl if she will take the lad; without her consent the beer and spirits cannot be accepted. If the wife reports consent, the beer and spirits are drunk by the two fathers. Sometimes they sit the whole night before the girl’s consent is obtained. If any knowing old men are there, they sing in two parties: “We cannot send our daughter to your house!” “We cannot leave our boy to stay with you!” When the question of consent is settled, all eat together. Then the bride prepares the bed inside the house for the bridegroom, in the kàm; in the tibung (see plan[2]) if there is room: if not, in the thèngthòr; but if the lad is ashamed, he sends one of his garments to take his place in the bed.