[66] Brook, Ten Years in Saráwak, ii. 304 sq.
Human sacrifices are offered for the purpose of stopping or preventing epidemics.
The Phenicians sacrificed “some of their dearest friends,” not only in war, but in times of pestilence.[67] In similar circumstances the ancient Greeks had recourse to human sacrifices.[68] In seasons of great peril, as when a pestilence was raging, the ancient Italians made a vow that they would sacrifice every living being that should be born in the following spring.[69] In West Gothland, in Sweden, the people decreed a human sacrifice to stay the digerdöd, or Plague, hence two beggar children, having just then come in, were buried alive.[70] In Fur, in Denmark, there is a tradition that, for the same purpose, a child was interred alive in the burial ground.[71] Among the Chukchi, in 1814, when a sudden and violent disease had broken out and carried off both men and reindeer, the Shamans, after having had recourse in vain to their usual conjurations, determined that one of the most respected chiefs must be sacrificed to appease the irritated spirits.[72] In Great Benin, “when the doctors declared a man had died owing to Ogiwo, if they think an epidemic imminent, they can tell Overami [the king] that Ogiwo vex. Then he can take a man and a woman, all the town can fire guns and beat drums. The man and woman are brought out, and the head Jujuman can make this prayer: ‘Oh, Ogiwo, you are very big man; don’t let any sickness come for Ado. Make all farm good, and every woman born man son.’”[73] In the same country twelve men, besides various animals, were offered yearly on the anniversary of the death of Adolo, king Overami’s father. King Overami, calling his father loudly by name, spoke as follows: “Oh, Adolo, our father, look after all Ado [that is, Great Benin], don’t let any sickness come to us, look after me and my people, our slaves, cows, goats, and fowls, and everything in the farms.”[74]
[67] Porphyry, op. cit. ii. 56.
[68] Geusius, op. cit. i. ch. 13. Stengel, op. cit. p. 116. Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 125 sq.
[69] Festus, De verborum significatione, ‘Ver sacrum,’ Müller’s edition, p. 379. Nonius Marcellus, De proprietate sermonis, ‘Versacrum,’ p. 522. Servius, In Virgilii Æneidos, vii. 796.
[70] Afzelius, Swenska Folkets Sago-Häfder, iv. 181.
[71] Nyrop, Romanske Mosaiker, p. 69, n. 1.
[72] von Wrangell, Expedition to the Polar Sea, p. 122 sq.
[73] Moor and Roupell, quoted by Read and Dalton, Antiquities from the City of Benin, p. 7; also by Ling Roth, Great Benin, p. 71 sq.