The events leading up to the Taiping Rebellion have shown that the nation was ripe for a change. The fruit, rotten at the core, was dropping from the tree; as was the Ming Dynasty at its fall, so had become the Tsing Dynasty that supplanted it. The successful revolution under General Li Ts'i-chang was brought to naught by the coming in of an exterior power that snatched the fruits of victory for itself, and, by putting down the Revolution, put down the Dynasty also, and seized the whole country. The rebellion under Tien Wang was put down in the same way, but this time the "foreign Power" invoked was not imbued with a lust for conquest. Yet it brought the Chinese politics a new force to be reckoned with—the foreigner, with his law of extra-territoriality. The awakening of China began with the utter defeat of the Imperial forces by the troops of Japan, and a craving to know the reason of it all obsessed the nation's mind. "Let us go to school with the foreigner; let us study his books" became the nation's watchword. Then there began to dawn in China the thought that far too much national wealth and power and prestige had been handed over to foreign control. There was alarm, suspicion, bitter animosity—and the Boxer movement. With the putting down of this movement and the generous treatment—in spite of all criticism to the contrary—meted out to China by the foreign Powers, came the consciousness of her real needs. From this time China put her youth to school with the "foreigner." Students went abroad by thousands, Japan taking by far the greater number. Already there was the conviction that the Government was corrupt, inefficient, and incurable. The spirit of patriotism had not only been awakened in the heart of the nation, but possessed the soul of each of her students, and even the country yokels were full of the idea of it. From contact with the outside world and from a comparative study of empires, one with another and each with China, came the third necessary factor of China—the awakened and trained mind.
It is common opinion that the schools and colleges run by foreigners in China have contributed in no small measure to this Revolutionary movement. It is pointed out that missionary propaganda have also played their part in creating in the Chinese mind a desire to do away with make-believe and insincerity. The charge is a true one. All these new forces coming into the life of the young student must have created an intense dissatisfaction with things as they were. The late Empress-Dowager seems to have been by no means unmindful of this tendency of missionary and educational effort. To this may be attributed, partly at least, her attempt to exterminate missionaries and all they stood for.
It must be the aim and intention of the great body of educationists throughout the Empire to come to the help of Young China in the time of its greatest need. So much depends on the constructive ability of the student body during the next few years that well-wishers of China will welcome every honest attempt to help the student life to attain its ideals; and not only so—to follow out in their after-life the policy dictated to them by the manifold call of duty of their enlightened conscience. For this reason, too, China will assuredly welcome the efforts of the Occident to lead her into the ways of higher education, such as may be obtained in the new Hongkong University and the University that is to be in the Wu-han centre.
"The students of to-day are the masters of to-morrow." Nowhere is this more true than in China, and statesmen-missionaries have always advocated education as the surest means of reaching the heart of the nation; for the other classes look to the student class for guidance, and if one can win the heart of the student, the ear of the people is gained also. The influence of the student in China has always been great, but it is likely to be still greater in the future. Which brings us another problem. The students rule the people—who rules the students? For except in the case of the few who study abroad, a standard beyond that of an English Sixth Form is seldom attained, while opportunities for carrying on education at that critical time when for the first time the student has begun to love his studies are very few. China needs her great force of students, but she needs men of initiative, men who can lead, men whose higher education has given them a broader outlook.
It is to supply this need that the United Universities Scheme has been organised. Space prevents anything but the merest outline of the scheme. It is proposed, however, to plant in the Wuhan centre, that heart of China, a University, that will combine the highest education, both Western and Chinese, with those forces and influences that make for the upbuilding of strong Christian character. The Universities of Britain and America will supply the University staff, while various missionary societies will plant hostels on the University grounds, and in these hostels the students must reside. As a result, while they are getting an education equal to that of a Western University, they will, at the same time, be brought in contact with men of Christian character, while that part of their being which Chinese students are all too apt to forget will be strengthened. It must be clear that, on the ground of expense alone, for one missionary body to attempt to do this would be impossible. But the University Scheme, without isolating the student from the influence of the mission school, will enable him to complete his education. Here he will have an opportunity of preparing for his lifework, for there will be courses both in philosophical and technical subjects. Indeed, the University, will aim at giving the student as thorough an education as he would receive were he to study abroad, combined, as has been said, with an ennobling Christian influence.
China cannot depend for ever on the foreigner. Indeed, Young China often shows that she would rather rule herself. For a few years our influence will be felt. And how can we better make our influence felt than by raising up men who, when we are no longer wanted, will be able to carry on that influence that we are striving to exert? It is a question that is worth while facing.
The lesson had been learned to some effect. From the outset of this People's Revolution, the stern measures of General Li Yuan Hung to safeguard person and property of natives and foreigners alike, and the fair and impartial spirit shown by the Revolutionists in carrying these measures out, have astonished the world and won golden opinions for General Li himself. The celebrated Edict, the first issued by the Republican leader, was as follows:—
"I am to dispel the Manchu Government and to revive the rights of the Han people. Let all keep orderly and not disobey military discipline. The rewards of merit and the punishment of crime are as follows:—