The fleet left Plymouth on the second of October. After only a week out the first trouble came with a dispersion of the ships in an “extreme” storm, which raged for four days and with such damage to the “Jesus” that Hawkins felt obliged to turn her back homeward. Soon afterward, however, the wind veered and the weather cleared, when she was returned to the outward course. The other ships were met at the Canaries, where repairs were made. Again in sailing trim the hunt for Negroes was begun along the African coast. As before, the natives were found ready to fight for their liberty. Arrived at Cape Verde, Hawkins landed one hundred and fifty men, expecting to make a large catch here. But a battle ensued in which many of the English force, Hawkins among them, were hurt, and several mortally, by the natives’ envenomed arrows; and only a few captures were made. Similar luck followed down to Sierra Leone, scarcely one hundred and fifty Negroes having been got together. Since this number was too small profitably to take to the West Indies, and it was now quite time to get away, Hawkins decided to give over further quest and to go to the “coast of the Mine” (the Gold Coast) in the hope of obtaining enough gold for his merchandise at least to meet the expenses of the voyage. But just as this decision was reached it was overruled by an unexpected opening to more captures. A messenger from a Negro “king” at war with neighbouring “kings” came aboard the flag-ship asking the Englishmen’s aid in his war, with the promise that all the natives he might capture should be “at their pleasure” as well as those taken by them. The proposal was eagerly accepted and one hundred and twenty men were sent ashore to join the king’s forces. The allies began an assault upon a fortified town of eight thousand inhabitants. It was, however, so strongly impaled, and so valiantly defended, that they could not prevail against it. Six of the English were killed and forty wounded in this attack, and reinforcements were called for. Thereupon Hawkins himself took a hand. An assault now opened both by land and sea, Hawkins with the king leading the land attack. Shortly the frail little houses, covered with dry palm leaves, were set afire and the inhabitants put to flight. So the town fell. Hawkins and his men captured two hundred and fifty of the fleeing people, men, women, and children, while the king’s men took six hundred. Of the king’s lot Hawkins was expecting to take his pick, when, lo! during the following night the artful monarch secretly moved his camp and stole away with all of his prisoners.
This breach of faith scandalized Hawkins and led him to write down that in the Negro “nation is seldome or never found truth.” But later during this “troublesome” voyage he was to experience a greater treachery, and one more disastrous in its results, on the part of representatives of a civilized nation, as we shall presently see.
Having, with his acquisitions from the spoiled town and a few other takings, a cargo of between four and five hundred Negroes, Hawkins set his fleet without further delay on his original course. The West Indies were duly reached, at the island of Dominica, toward the close of March, after a harder passage than before. They coasted from place to place, making their traffic with the planters “somewhat hardly,” because the Spanish governors had been more strictly commanded to suffer no trade with foreigners. Still they did a fairly thriving business, and had “courteous entertainment” all along from the island of Margarita to Cartagena, “without anything greatly worth the noting,” saving at Rio de la Hacha—the same where the sharpest opposition had been met on the previous voyage. The officer in authority here not only denied them permission to trade, but would not suffer them even to stop and take water. The place, too, was found to be newly fortified with “divers bulwarks.” No time was wasted in arguments at this port. Two hundred men were put ashore and the bulwarks stormed. They were speedily broken through with a loss to the Englishmen of only two men, and none at all to the Spaniards, for “after their voly of shot discharged they all fled.” No further obstacles appearing, a semi-secret trade was opened and carried on briskly till two hundred of the Negroes had been sold. When Cartegena was reached the Negroes had been nearly all disposed of.
Leaving this point on the twenty-fourth of July Hawkins sailed the fleet northward, hoping to escape the dangers of the season of hurricanes, and to do some profitable trading in that direction. On the twelfth of August they were passing the west end of Cuba, toward the Florida coast, when a fierce storm struck them. The gale continued through four days, causing havoc among the fleet, and most seriously afflicting the “Jesus.” She was so “beat” that all her “higher buildings” had to be cut down. Her rudder was also “sore shaken,” and she was “in so extreme a leake” that it was feared she must be abandoned. Yet “hoping to bring all to good passe” they sped on for Florida. But no haven could be found into which the ships could enter, because of the shallowness of the water. While off this coast a second storm burst upon them and raged for three days. In this extremity their only alternative was to make across the Gulf of Mexico for the port of “Sant John de Ullua [San Juan d’Ulloa, the port of Vera Cruz], which serveth the citie of Mexico,” in “New Spain.” On the way they fell in with three ships carrying an hundred passengers, and with these they kept helpful company, hoping that the passengers would be “a meane” to them the better to obtain a quiet place for the repairing of the fleet, and to purchase supplies.
This port was safely reached on the sixteenth of September and being mistaken for an expected fleet from Spain their reception was most cordial. But when upon coming aboard the “admiral” the Spanish officers discovered their mistake they were “greatly dismayed” till Hawkins assured them that only stress of weather had brought him hither and that he desired “nothing but victuals.” In the same little port were found anchored twelve Spanish ships which “had in them by report 200,000 pounds in gold and silver.” For the moment Hawkins with his superior force had control of things. But although these tempting ships, as he says, were in his “possession,” together with the passenger-ships that had come with him, and he also held an island guarding the mouth of the harbour, he magnanimously set them “at libertie without taking from them the weight of a groat.” This was done, however, not through any excess of virtue on his part, but, as he frankly explains, “onely because I could not be delayed of my despatch.” Since his needs were urgent, and also because some authoritative understanding was imperative to prevent collision with the Spanish fleet daily expected, he immediately despatched a messenger to the “Presidente [the Spanish viceroy] and Councill,” at the distant city of Mexico, with report of his arrival at this port by the force of weather, and the necessity for repairs to his vessels, and provisions for his company, which they asked as peaceful Englishmen, “friends to King Philip,” to be furnished them for their money; and also with a request that the viceroy should issue “with all convenient speede,” commands for the “better maintenance of amitie” between the expected Spanish fleet and his own, that no cause of quarrel need arise. Meanwhile he retained on his ship “two men of estimation” from those who had come aboard at his arrival. The messenger left for Mexico at the close of his first day in port, and the very next morning the Spanish fleet, “thirteene great shippes,” hove in sight.
Action was now necessary on Hawkins’s part without waiting the movements of the local officials, and it was promptly taken directly with the general of the fleet. Hawkins held the point of advantage. The Spanish fleet could not enter the port while he commanded the entrance. This was the situation as he defined it. “It is to be understood that this Port is made by a little Iland of stones not three foote above the water in the highest place, and but a bow-shoot of length any way: this Iland standeth from the maine land two bow-shootes or more; also it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the North winde hath there such violence that unlesse the shippes be very safely mored with their ankers fasted upon this Iland, there is no remedie for these North windes but death: also the place of the Haven is so little that of necessitie the shippes must ride one aboord the other, so that we could not give place to them or they to us.” But strong as his position was, it was also embarrassing, and he found himself on the horns of a dilemma: “and here I beganne to bewaile that which after followed, for now, said I, I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I must have kept out the fleete from entring the Port, the which with Gods helpe I was very well able to doe, or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never faile to execute where they may have opportunitie to compasse it by any meanes: if I had kept them out, then had there bene present shipwrack of all the fleete which amounted in value to sixe Millions, which was in value of our money 1,800,000 li., which I considered I was not able to answere, fearing the Queenes Majesties indignation in so weightie a matter. Thus with my selfe revolving the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the Jutt [jut—push or thrust] of the uncertainty, then [than] the certaintie. The uncertaine doubt I account was their treason which by good policie I hoped might be prevented, and therefore by chusing the least mischiefe I proceeded to conditions.”
His first move was the sending of a messenger to the Spanish general with courteous greetings, advising him of the circumstances of the presence of the English fleet, and desiring him to understand that before he could be suffered to enter the port some order of conditions should pass between them for the safety of the English fleet and the maintenance of peace. This messenger returned with the report that a viceroy was on the fleet (Don Martin Henriques, coming out as a successor of the one at Mexico), who had authority “both in all this Province of Mexico, otherwise Neva Espanna, and in the sea,” and that this official had requested Hawkins’s conditions, promising on his part that they should be “both favourably granted and faithfully performed,” with “many faire wordes,” or compliments, as to favourable things he had heard of Hawkins. These conditions were despatched forthwith: victuals for their money; license to sell as much of their wares as might furnish their wants; twelve gentlemen from either side as hostages for the maintenance of peace; the island to remain in their possession during their stay, for their “better safetie,” with the ordnance they had planted there: eleven brass pieces; and orders issued that no Spaniard should land at the island with any kind of weapon.
The viceroy at first “somewhat misliked” the condition as to the guard of the island in the keeping of the Englishmen; but in the end he acceded to them all, with the exception that the number of hostages was cut to ten. The agreement was then put in writing and sealed with the viceroy’s seal: the hostages were received on either side; the orders were duly proclaimed with trumpet blasts; the two generals met and “gave faith ech to other for the performances of the premisses;”[premisses;”] and then the Spanish fleet passed into the harbour, each fleet saluting the other “as the maner of the sea doth require.”
All went well for nearly three days. Two of the three were spent in “placing the English ships by themselves and the Spanish ships by themselves, the captaines of ech part & inferiour men of their parts promising great amity on al sides.” But with all the show of faithfulness to the agreement the Spaniards were plotting mischief. A thousand men from the mainland were being secretly taken on their ships, and they were proposing, on the third day, at dinner time, suddenly to set upon the Englishmen on all sides.
On the morning of this third day the Englishmen’s suspicion was aroused by various activities on the Spanish ships: “as shifting of weapon from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ships to the Iland where our men warded, passing to and fro of companies of men more then [than] required for their necessary busines, & many other ill likelihoods.” Hawkins sent a peremptory demand to the viceroy for an explanation of these goings on. His reply was the issue of a “commandement to unplant all things suspicious,” and an assurance to Hawkins that “he in the faith of a Viceroy would be our defence from all villanies.” But Hawkins and his chiefs were not satisfied with this assurance for they now “suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of nine hundred tunnes which was mored next unto the Minion.” A second messenger was sent, this time the master of the “Jesus,” who could speak Spanish, to demand of the viceroy “if any such thing were or were not.” This brought matters to a crisis. “The Viceroy now seeing that the treason must be discovered foorthwith stayed [held] our master, blew the Trumpet, and of all sides set upon us.”