Less than a fortnight after the departure of Martin Frobisher on his third and last Northwestern voyage, in May, 1578, Humphrey Gilbert had obtained the letters-patent which he had long coveted from Queen Elizabeth for the “inhabiting and planting of our people in America”; and before the summer was far advanced he had organized an expedition of his own with these objects.
This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization in America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six years. The full text is given in the Principal Navigations. It conferred upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and provided the machinery necessary for the government of a colony. It gave him and them free liberty and license to “discover, finde, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people,” and to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their “commodities, jurisdictions, and royalties both by sea and land,” the single condition being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore that might be obtained be paid over to the queen. They were empowered to “encounter, expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea as by land” all persons attempting to inhabit without their special license in or within two hundred leagues of the places occupied by them. They were to have a monopoly of the commerce of such places, no vessels being permitted to enter their harbours for traffic except by their license. The rights of Englishmen were promised to all people who might become members of the colony.
Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter were “many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in all the work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter Raleigh. By autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet able to encounter a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in all in readiness, and a volunteer company of four hundred men, gentlemen, men-at-arms, and sailors, collected for the venture. In the mean time, however, the enterprise had been diverted from its apparent original object to a secret assault upon the West Indies, with possibly an after attempt at colonization on the southern coast of North America, while the preparations had been hampered by divided councils and dissensions among the captains. The breaches in the organization had the more serious effect, for when the time for sailing had come the greater number of the intended voyagers had dispersed, and Sir Humphrey was left with only a few assured friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships and his company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard weather. A second start was made on the eighteenth of November. Of the course and of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is recorded; and the fragmentary accounts are contradictory. All that appears to be clearly known is that, after an absence of several months, the fleet in part returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first, and Raleigh with his ship last, in May, 1579; and that there had been encounters at sea with the Spaniards in which one of the chief vessels was lost, and also one of the leaders in the expedition, Miles Morgan, “a valiant gentleman.”
In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his personal estate was impaired. But its failure so little disheartened him that he at once began planning another one, this one directly for colonization. Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his return he served with his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or two, still being without means to perfect his scheme, he gave assignments from his patent to sundry persons desiring the privilege of his grant to plant in the north parts of America “about the river of Canada,” his hope being that their success would further his scheme which was then to colonize southward. Time, however, went on without anything being done by his assigns, and the six years’ limit of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the patent were to be kept in force action was imperative.
At this juncture (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate with Sir Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition of Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors in debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the intended discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south northward or from the north southward. Finally it was decided that the voyagers should take the north course and follow as directly as they might the “trade way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their “refreshing and reparation of wants,” they should proceed southward, “not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract of land” appeared to their view worthy of search.
This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made ready for the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias the George,” of one hundred and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons, the “Golden Hind,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the “Squirrel,” ten tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the fleet to carry Sir Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest vessel in the squadron, was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden Hind” "rear admiral." The “Raleigh” had been built and manned at the expense of Raleigh, but he did not personally join the expedition, the queen refusing to give her permission for him to go out with it. The company brought together numbered in all two hundred and sixty men of all sorts and condition. Among them were shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man” and refiner; gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment of the company and for allurement of the savages who might be met, “musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby horses, and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty haberdashery wares was put in to barter with “those simple people.”
The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official one, prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the “Golden Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to Plymouth with its tragic story. His narrative appears in the Principal Navigations under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the Voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the Cape of Florida, lying under very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall assistance returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also indebted for some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated in his first abortive voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed by way of preface to his story of this voyage.
The start was auspiciously made from Plymouth harbour on the eleventh of June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s gift of an emblematical jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor guarded by a woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a token of her good wishes for his venture. But when only the third night out, with a prosperous wind, consternation was occasioned by the desertion of the “Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had signified that her captain and many of her men had fallen sick; then later, with no further communication, she put about on a homeward course. Although after his return from the voyage Captain Hayes heard it “credibly reported” that her men were really affected with a contagious sickness, and that she arrived back at Plymouth greatly distressed, he could not accept this as sufficiently accounting for her act. The real reason he “could never understand.” Therefore he left it “to God.”
With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind” succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships sailed till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the “Squirrel” were lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,” now alone, four days later sighted the Newfoundland coast,—seven weeks from the time that the fleet had left the coast of England.
The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay, where the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance in the fog she had engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An especially mean act had been the despoiling of a fishing bark and leaving her sailless to make her homeward voyage, some seven hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s” crew were hilarious over their exploits, and many of them appeared in motley garb made up of the clothing filched from the despoiled fishermen. Her captain, an “honest and religious man,” was held blameless in this business. He had had put upon him men “not to his humour or desert”: a crew of pirates, whom he evidently could not control. Later, the same day, the now three ships had come before the harbour of St. John’s, and here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying at anchor off the harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by the “English merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,” represented the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities, of which thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.