On May the 30th the emperor wrote to Mendoza, his ambassador in England: ' ... We shall not fail to inform you ... of whatever is being done here (Valladolid) with regard to the French and English ambassadors, and their commission. We shall likewise apprise madame, our aunt, but as the cipher which you possess is safer than hers, we will use yours for the purpose of transmitting our orders and wishes thereupon.... Meanwhile you will write to madame in our name, that without appearing to distrust the English in any way, she may, as of her own accord, immediately provide for the defence of the frontiers both by sea and land, in Flanders as well as in Holland and Zealand, and remember what his Reverence the Legate of England (Wolsey) said on a previous occasion, that once the Flemish frontier is broken in upon, the conquest of the land would be an easy matter. Should madame require our assistance for the protection of our dominions in those parts, you will tell her in our name that we shall do our utmost to provide her with money and troops for the emergency, and that she is to inform us, as soon as possible, of the military preparations she intends making, in doing which madame is to use your own cipher, of which a copy shall be sent to her immediately, that she herself may write to us, if she so prefers.'[129]
About this time rumours of the unhappy matrimonial relations existing between Queen Katharine and King Henry reached Charles from his ambassador in England. On the 13th of July Mendoza wrote from London that ' ... the king and his ministers were trying to dissolve the marriage between the queen and himself, alleging that the Pope had no power to grant a dispensation for the queen to marry two brothers as she had done.... The emperor may believe him (Mendoza) that there is so much feeling expressed here ... about the queen's divorce, not only on her own account, but because ... her daughter the princess would be declared illegitimate, that should six or seven thousand men land on the coast of Cornwall to espouse the cause of both mother and daughter, forty thousand Englishmen would at once join them....'[130]
In a sympathetic letter to Queen Katharine on the 27th of August Charles said:—'Madame and my Aunt,—I have perfectly understood the verbal message brought by Francisco Phelipez from you respecting the affair (of the divorce), and the reason why you sent him to me.... You may well imagine the pain this intelligence caused me, and how much I felt for you. I cannot express it otherwise than by assuring you that were my own mother concerned, I should not experience greater sorrow than in this your case, for the love and affection which I profess to your Serene Highness is certainly of the same kind as that of a son towards his parent. I have immediately set about taking the necessary steps for the remedy, and you may be certain that nothing shall be omitted on my part to help you in your present tribulation. But it seems to me that in the meantime your Serene Highness ought not to take this thing so much to heart, as to let it impair your bodily health, for if this is preserved, all other matters will be remedied with God's help.'[131]
Early in September of this same year (1527) Margaret sent a courier to the Spanish Court to announce the birth of a son and heir to Ferdinand.[132] Charles was delighted to receive the news, and at once sent a letter of congratulation to his brother, saying 'that he rejoiced more at the birth of his nephew than at that of his own son Philip.'
Although, after several months' imprisonment in the castle of St. Angelo, the Pope had at length come to terms with the emperor, still the war in Italy dragged on, with many recriminations on all sides. France and England had joined hands against Spain, and trade with the Netherlands was at a standstill. At length, when all Europe was sick of war and longed for peace, Wolsey suggested to Margaret that she should use her influence to try and bring about a better understanding among the nations, and especially between France and Spain.
On March 12th, 1528, Margaret wrote to her secretary, Guillaume des Barres, from Malines, instructing him to 'go with all diligence to London to Monsieur de Burgues' (Iñigo de Mendoza, just appointed Bishop of Burgos),[133] the emperor's ambassador at that Court, and present his credentials, and tell him 'that we have received his letter of the 11th instant and heard of the overtures of peace made by the legate. We are indeed very happy,' she says, 'to see the good turn the affair is taking. You will tell him that we shall spare no personal trouble or fatigue to bring about a general peace, ... though it seems to us, and indeed to almost all other people of honest intentions and quick understanding, that King Francis ought to have accepted at once the emperor's offers, by recalling his Italian army and giving up Genoa and his other conquests before his sons were actually released from captivity.... You will ... request Mons. de Burgues to acquaint the legate with our readiness to help towards the accomplishment of peace, ... that we have sent you for that purpose, and wish this affair to be conducted between us without the intervention of any other person whatsoever ... and,' she adds, 'it is but proper that he himself (Wolsey) should have the honour of the affair since the proposal originated with him.'
A conference was held in London, and at Wolsey's request Margaret was invited to take in hand the arrangements for a general peace, and more particularly one between France and Spain. She was asked to work at it conjointly with the cardinal. Des Barres then proceeded to declare his mistress's intentions and wishes respecting the peace, expatiating at large on the evils resulting from the war to Christendom in general, and more particularly to the dominions and subjects of the emperor and the King of France, as it afforded the Turk every facility for an invasion, and encouraged the Lutheran heresy to spread far and wide. After discussing the subject at length, Wolsey begged Margaret immediately to send a messenger by land to the emperor, to acquaint him as soon as possible with the result of the conference held with his ambassadors, and the means which they and he conjointly propose for the furtherance of peace. The cardinal promised to apply for a safe conduct through French territory for the gentleman whom Madame Margaret might choose to appoint.[134]
About this time Margaret seems to have conceived the idea that it would be better for the interests of all concerned if the arrangements for the peace were made by ladies only, and she accordingly proposed to the emperor that she should meet her sister-in-law Louise of Savoy at a neutral town and discuss the conditions with her. In a letter to M. de Rosymboz, her chief steward, dated Malines, 3rd of January 1529, containing instructions to be laid before the emperor, Margaret gives her reasons for this suggestion, and says:—'First, that the bitterness of the reproaches written and spoken on either side were such that ill-will and hatred were the inevitable consequences. The hostilities also which ensued were so fierce that neither of the two sovereigns could compromise his dignity by being the first to talk of reconciliation, a challenge having been given and accepted for settling the differences and disputes by single combat. On the other hand, how easy for ladies ... to make the first advances in such an undertaking! Secondly, that it is only by a mutual forgiveness of all offences, and the total oblivion of the causes of the war, and of everything that had passed in writing concerning them, that the idea of peace could be entertained. This could not be thought of or proposed by the princes without a sacrifice of what they held most precious, their honour; but ladies might well come forward in a measure for submitting the gratification of private hatred and revenge to the far nobler principle of the welfare of nations. Thirdly, were the King of France to conduct negotiations with the emperor, it would be necessary for him to act with especial reference to allies and co-operators, the Venetians, Florentines, etc., and here a difficulty would arise in effecting a reconciliation with the emperor, not to be surmounted without the probability of some stain upon his honour; but the act of the Lady of Angoulême, his mother, would in such case take away all responsibility on the part of the king, whilst a similar advantage would present itself to the emperor in silencing the complaints of his friends, who might make objections to the terms of peace. Again, in the event of any of the great powers being called in as mediators in a negotiation, such as England or the Pope, their own particular interest it is probable would be too much considered, and something perhaps required in little territorial concessions as the price of their interference; whilst the intervention proposed could be subject to no such inconvenience; as the mother of the king and the aunt of the emperor, who regarded him as her son as well as heir, would keep in view one sole object which they had mutually at heart—the general good of Europe, in the reconciliation of these two great princes.'[135]
To these wise arguments the emperor lent a willing ear, and invested Margaret with full powers to treat with Louise of Savoy; and chose the neutral town of Cambray as their meeting-place.
On May the 15th Margaret wrote to Jehan de la Sauch from Brussels, whom she had sent on an embassy to England, bidding him tell King Henry how often she had been requested by Louise of Savoy to listen to overtures of peace. She had informed the emperor of the said overtures through Rosymboz, her chief steward, and her secretary, Des Barres, whom she had sent to Spain; and the emperor, not wishing to be an obstacle to the said peace, sent her at once full powers to treat with all Christian princes in general and with King Francis and his mother in particular. This fact having been communicated to the Duchess of Angoulême, measures had been taken to appoint a time and place wherein the preliminaries of peace might be at once discussed and settled. 'She has no doubt,' she says, 'that King Henry will be glad to hear the news, and will help to the utmost of his power in establishing peace. For her part she need hardly say how glad she will be to labour for so meritorious a purpose.' Maistre le Sauch is ordered to return as soon as possible after delivering his embassy and report every word the king and Wolsey may say on this occasion, and also what impression the idea of the proposed meeting has produced on each of them.[136]