Latin America and the United States / Addresses by Elihu Root

by Elihu Root

In February, 1819, Rush notified Castlereagh that the Washington Government considered that the new South American states had established the position obtained by the victory of their arms, and that President Monroe had given an exequatur to a consul from Buenos Ayres, and was resolved at all hazards to recognize Argentine independence. Lord Castlereagh declared himself openly at variance with the views of the Government of the United States, and said that Great Britain had done all that was possible to terminate the strife between Spain and her colonies, but always on the basis of the restoration of the dominion of the former. In 1819, then, the United States were the only nation that insisted upon asserting the independence of our country.

Thanks to their attitude, all the attempts begun by the Holy Alliance to suppress the movement for emancipation failed.

The death of Lord Castlereagh did not change the situation. Even the acts of Canning, if examined, and if the negotiations of the then American minister are analyzed, leave an impression of opposition, because that great British Minister, who, according to history, clinched as it were the independence of this country with his celebrated declaration, was not always of the same way of thinking; and it was necessary for the minister of the United States to inculcate in him the policy of his country in order that he should decide to adopt a policy openly favorable to South American independence. Such is the finding of the most accurate of Argentine historians.

On March 8, 1882, President Monroe sent to the Congress of the United States his celebrated message proposing the recognition of the Argentine independence. In that message the President renewed his assurances of sympathy for the cause of Buenos Ayres, and confirmed the entire disinterestedness with which his Government espoused the cause of the political integrity of the youthful nation. The House of Representatives voted the recognition of Argentine independence unanimously, except for one vote—that of Representative Garnett, who declared that he did not object to the recognition, but that he considered it unnecessary, and he cited in support of his view an opinion of Rivadavia. The United States was, then, the first country after Portugal (which through motives of special interest had recognized our independence), to make a similar recognition; and England, which followed the United States, did not do so until three years later, January 1, 1825.

Even after the recognition of Argentine independence by the United States, conferences continued to be held in Europe to establish the régime of the dominion of the mother country over the already independent colonies. Then new conferences took place with Canning, in which the minister of the United States confirmed anew the policy of his country in the matter of the final recognition of the independence of this republic. During that period, a document appeared that emanated from John Quincy Adams, addressed to Rush, in which he declined to enter into the plan for convoking a congress intended to treat of the questions of South America, and stated that the United States would never attend such a congress unless the South American republics were first invited.

To accentuate the attitude of his Government, Mr. Adams adds that if the congress were to take place, with intent hostile to the new republics, the United States would solemnly protest against it and its calamitous consequences.

The systematic and persistent action of the United States ended by determining in Canning a policy favorable to South American independence, and opposed to the intervention of any foreign power in the destinies of the new republics.

Great Britain and the United States once in accord, after negotiations in which Jefferson and Madison united their counsel to that of President Monroe, these two patriots expressing themselves in terms of moving eloquence in favor of the cause of emancipation, the question was settled forever.

Some months afterward, December 2, 1823, President Monroe consummated his action by sending to Congress the message that contains the enunciation of his famous doctrine. "America for the Americans", Mr. President, was a formula that, as I understand it, meant the final consecration of the independence of the American nations; it was the voice of the most powerful of them all, proclaiming to the world that conquest in the domain of this America was at an end; it was notification to the conquering powers of Europe that they should not extend themselves to these continents because this extensive territory was all occupied by free nations, outside of whose sovereignty not an inch was vacant.

The independence of these republics having been settled on the field of battle by the sole force of the republics, the declaration of the American President was the culminating act of that grand epic. For the United States it is a record of honor; for Europe it is an ultimatum.