And still one other element, mischievous in the extreme, must be added to the social complex—men who pursued no occupation, but preyed on black and white alike, as gamblers and tenth-rate politicians, drinking and swaggering at the bar, always armed with knife and revolver, shooting negroes now and then for excitement. This class was recruited, largely, from the descendants of the old overseer and negro-trader of ante-bellum days. With just enough education to enable them to dazzle the negro by a political harangue, they were both disliked and feared by the decent white people. According to the testimony of a Northern observer,[45] the first duty of the Republican leaders in Louisiana was “to hang them by the dozen.” And it was just because they were not crushed out, except so far as the respectable conservative could combat them, that Louisiana had to endure such a drawn-out purgatory before she was reconstructed.
Economically the State presented no better view. Louisiana had suffered particularly from the war, as a part of her soil had been held by Federal troops through a great part of the conflict, and the plantations had been drained, in consequence, of a large part of their labor. Taxable property had been reduced almost two-thirds. The returning rebel found his plantation in the worst possible state of repair, or his title subject to dispute under the confiscation laws, while much had been seized by treasury agents or dishonest speculators. He turned, in the absence of capital, labor, currency, to the one thing he knew—the raising of cotton. Even here he had to adjust himself to a complete change of system from fixed, forced labor to payments at set times or planting on shares where he was at the mercy of his planter. It cannot be charged, on the whole, that the planter drove unjust bargains.[46] If the negro suffered, it was at the hands of the poor, small farmers, as ignorant as the negro himself. But a blighted crop in 1866 was followed the next year by an almost complete failure, while the Mississippi exacted the penalty of neglected, broken levees by a devastating flood. Only in 1868 did the planters obtain an average crop in the great staples. Grinding necessity, as well as the remorseless political ostracism, drove the better class into indifference to public concerns and engrossment in their private affairs. Moreover, ignorant, unprincipled legislation bred a certain temporary apathy even to their own interests.
Already the finances of the State were in a sad condition. Back taxes were in arrears, possibly, as was charged, because the property owners were organized in opposition to the existing government,[47] but more probably because they were unable to pay. It did not help the situation that few filling State positions were tax-payers.[48] By January 19, 1869, only about one-tenth of the amount of the city taxes for the preceding year had been collected.[49]
Inability to get in the taxes, resulted, naturally, in inability on the part of the State to meet its obligations. It had been found necessary in September, 1868, to levy a special one per cent tax to provide for the payment of the past due coupons on the bonds of the State, outstanding warrants, certificates of indebtedness, and convention warrants.[50] It was not even able to pay the interest on current debts and so it was necessary for the legislature early in 1869 to empower the governor and treasurer to negotiate a loan to meet such approaching obligations.[51] Of course, credit had suffered in consequence until by October, 1868, bonds were selling in the market at forty-seven cents on the dollar. Certain levee bonds had sunk so low at one time as to be sold for thirty and even twenty-five cents.[52] A motion offered in the House in the session of 1869 that not less than fifty cents be accepted is sufficiently illuminating.[53] Many State officials were paid by warrants and suffered, except where the Assembly favored the recipient, as in the case of the executive and its own members, the loss of the difference between their face value and the market value.
Loans were negotiated only with the greatest difficulty and on exceedingly hard terms. On November 1, 1868, the interest on $2,000,000 of levee bonds was to fall due without means to meet it. Hence, a new loan of $100,000 was necessary, but it was secured only for the short period of ninety days at seven per cent with the privilege of the purchase of one hundred of these bonds at sixty cents by the loaner. At about the same time a commission was sent to New York to sell 1300 State bonds. They found a general distrust of all Southern securities, but especially of those of Louisiana. Its bonds were not quoted on the stock exchange, and the only offer on the street was of a lot at fifty-two cents which found no buyers. The commission at last had to accept fifty-one and one quarter cents and, as a preliminary condition, had to agree that provision should be made for the payment of interest on all bonds due in January and February of 1869.[54] Naturally, such loans were secured only at great additional expense. The ninety-day loan cost over $3700, while the sale of the 3100 bonds mounted up to $2213, $1000 of which went to pay the cost of the trip of the three commissioners.[55] The necessity of paying by warrant involved a loss to the State not only directly,[56] but in the depression of State credit.
An attitude of extravagance and corruption was already becoming apparent in the State administration. The Senate at the close of its session in 1868 authorized twelve committees to sit between sessions. Practically every Senator sat on some committee and each member drew pay for twenty-six days, amounting to $34,620.40 besides $15,000 for clerks.[57] One committee alone drew between $16,000 and $17,000. Money was doubly squandered by one committee, which drew pay for its time and pay for witnesses who were never examined.[58] And one clerk is quoted as having had time to serve on three committees and drawing warrants for four.[59] But this corruption did not come to light until the Assembly had entered upon its labors of 1869.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, VI., 214.
[2] Ficklen’s History of Reconstruction in Louisiana, states that the highest number on the roll at any time was ninety-eight, 68.
[3] By a vote of 72:13. Ficklen, 70.