The Early Norman Castles of the British Isles.

by Ella Sophia Armitage

The movement began in the days of Malcolm Canmore, when his English queen, the sainted Margaret, undoubtedly favoured the reception of English refugees of noble birth, some of whom were her own relations.[1000] Very soon, the English refugees were followed by Norman refugees, who had either fallen under the displeasure of the king of England, like the Montgomeries, or were the cadets of some Norman family, wishful to carve out fresh fortunes for themselves, like the Fitz Alans, the ancestors of the Stuarts. The immigration continued during the reign of the sons of Margaret, but seems to have reached its culminating point under David I. (1124-1153).

David, as Burton remarks, had lived for sixteen years as an affluent Anglo-Norman noble, before his accession to the Scottish crown, being Earl of Huntingdon in right of his wife, the daughter of Simon de Senlis, and granddaughter, through her mother, of Earl Waltheof. David’s tastes and sympathies were Norman, but it was not taste alone which impelled him to build up in Scotland a monarchy of the Anglo-Norman feudal type. He had a distinct policy to accomplish; he wished to do for Scotland what Edward I. sought to do for the whole island, to unite its various nationalities under one government, and he saw that men of the Anglo-Norman type would be the best instruments of this policy.[1001] It mattered little to him from what nation he chose his followers, if they were men who accepted his ideas. Norman, English, Flemish, or Norse adventurers were all received at his court, and endowed with lands in Scotland, if they were men suitable for working the system which he knew to be the only one available for the accomplishment of his policy. And that system was the feudal system. He saw that feudalism meant a higher state of civilisation than the tribalism of Keltic Scotland, and that only by the complete organisation of feudalism could he carry out the unification of Scotland, and the subjugation of the wild Keltic tribes of the north and west.[1002]

The policy was successful, though it was not completely carried out until Alexander III. purchased the kingdom of the Isles from the King of Norway in 1266. The sons of David, Malcolm IV., and William the Lion were strong men who doughtily continued the subjugation of the Keltic parts of Scotland, and distributed the lands of the conquered among their Norman or Normanised followers. The struggle was a severe one; again and again did the North rebel against the yoke of the House of Malcolm. In Moray the Keltic inhabitants were actually driven out by Malcolm IV., and the country colonised by Normans or Flemings.[1003] The same Malcolm led no less than three expeditions against Galloway, where in spite of extensive Norse settlements on the coast, the mass of the inhabitants appear to have been Keltic.[1004]

We know very little about the details of this remarkable revolution, because Scotland had no voice in the 12th century, none of her chroniclers being earlier than the end of the 14th century. As regards the subject which concerns this book, the building of castles, there are only one or two passages which lift the veil. A contemporary English chronicler, Ailred of Rievaulx, in his panegyric of David I., says that David decorated Scotland with castles and cities.[1005] In like manner Benedict of Peterborough tells us that when William the Lion was captured by Henry II.’s forces in 1174, the men of Galloway took the opportunity to destroy all the castles which the king had built in their country, expelling his seneschals and guards, and killing all the English and French whom they could catch.[1006] Fordun casually mentions the building of two castles in Ross by William the Lion; and once he gives us an anecdote which is a chance revelation of what must have been going on everywhere. A certain English knight, Robert, son of Godwin, whose Norman name shows that he was one of the Normanised English, tarried with the king’s leave on an estate which King Edgar had given him in Lothian, and while he was seeking to build a castle there, he was attacked by the men of Bishop Ranulf of Durham, who objected to a castle being built so near the English frontier.[1007]

But even if historians had been entirely silent about the building of castles in Scotland, we should have been certain that it must have happened, as an inevitable part of the Norman settlement. Robertson remarks that the Scots in the time of David I. were still a pastoral and in some respects a migratory people, their magnates not residing like great feudal nobles in their own castles, but moving about from place to place, and quartering themselves upon the dependent population. There is in fact no reason for supposing that the Keltic chiefs of Scotland built castles, any more than those of Wales or Ireland.[1008] But the feudal system must very soon have covered Scotland with castles.

The absence of any stone castles of Norman type has puzzled Scottish historians, whose ideas of castles were associated with buildings in stone.[1009] In 1898 Dr Christison published his valuable researches into the Early Fortifications of Scotland, in which for the first time an estimate was attempted of the distribution of Scottish motes,[1010] and their Norman origin almost, if not quite, suspected. His book was quickly followed by Mr George Neilson’s noteworthy paper on the “Motes in Norman Scotland,”[1011] in which he showed that the wooden castle is the key which unlocks the historians’ puzzle, and that the motes of Scotland are nothing but the evidence of the Norman feudal settlement.

Two important points urged in Mr Neilson’s paper are the feudal and legal connection of these motes. He has given a list of mottes which are known to have been the site of the “chief messuages” of baronies in the 13th and 14th centuries, and has collected the names of a great number which were seats of justice, or places where “saisine” of a barony was taken, not because they were moot-hills, but because the administration of justice remained fixed in the ancient site of the baron’s castle. “The doctrine of the chief messuage, which became of large importance in peerage law, made it at times of moment to have on distinct record the nomination of what the chief messuage was, often for the imperative function of taking sasine. In many instances the caput baroniæ, or the court or place for the ceremonial entry to possession, is the ‘$1’moit,’ the ‘mothill,’ the ‘auld castell,’ the ‘auld wark,’ the ‘castellsteid,’ the ‘auld castellsteid,’ the ‘courthill,’ or in Latin mons placiti, mons viridis, or mons castri.”[1012] In certain places where two mottes are to be found, he was able to prove that two baronies had once had their seats. Another point which Mr Neilson worked out is the relation of bordlands to mottes. Bordland or borland, though an English word, is not pre-Conquest; it refers to “that species of demesne which the lord reserves for the supply of his own table.” It is constantly found in the near proximity of mottes.[1013]

The following is a list of thirty-eight Anglo-Norman or Normanised adventurers settled in Scotland, on whose lands mottes are to be found. The list must be regarded as a tentative one, for had all the names given by Chalmers been included, it would have been more than doubled. But the difficulties of obtaining topographical information were so great that it has been judged expedient to give only the names of those families who are known to have held lands, and in most cases to have had their principal residences, in places where mottes are or formerly were existing.[1014]

Anstruther.—William de Candela obtained the lands of Anstruther, in Fife, from David I. His descendants took the surname of Anstruther. The “Mothlaw” of Anstruther is mentioned in 1590.[1015] “At the W. end of the town there is a large mound, called the Chester Hill, in the middle of which is a fine well.” (N. S. A., 1845.) The well is an absolute proof that this was the site of a castle.