“It was believed,” says Varchi, “that the emperor wished to restore the Papacy to the simplicity and poverty of times when prelates did not meddle with temporal government but contented themselves with their spiritual functions. The gross abuses and vile practices of the Roman court had awakened in many an ardent desire for such a reform.” This gave bitterness to the enmity between the Pope and Charles. The pontiff directed his hostilities especially against the two imperial ministers in Italy, Anotonio Leyva and Andrea Doria. On the death of the first, the whole weight of Papal displeasure fell on the head of the latter, who earlier in life had received from Rome a consecrated sword and hat for his victories over the Turks. We have elsewhere shown how the opposition of Doria to the growth of the Farnese family and his other acts hostile to Paul III. had led the latter to favour the Fieschi conspiracy against Doria and Spain. Some deny that Paul favoured the conspirators and adduced the testimony of Don Appollonio Filareto, secretary to Pier Luigi Farnese. This secretary, though confined for three years as a prisoner in Milan and put to torture, steadfastly denied that the French knew of the plans of Fieschi. But this is contradicted both by the current opinion of that time and by authentic and credible documents extant. Charles was so certain of the complicity of the Pope with Fieschi, that when Paul sent Camillo Orsino to Madrid to complain to the emperor of the murder of his son Pier Luigi and ask the restitution of Piacenza to the Apostolic See, he boldly charged the pontiff with this crime.
As soon as Andrea learned through the ministers of Cæsar that Paul had been concerned in the Fieschi movement, and that Pier Luigi had given material aid to Gianluigi he was inflamed with an ardent desire to punish old and new treacheries by a signal act of vengeance. From that hour, Farnese was condemned to the fate of the Fieschi. Moreover, in gratifying his own passion for revenge, Andrea was furthering the schemes of Charles. He launched himself into the matter with the ardour of youth.
The news that Charles was suffering from a mortal sickness filled Doria with apprehension of wide-spread conspiracy against Spain in case of the emperor’s death. Pier Luigi, in fact, as soon as he received the same intelligence, began to raise troops, fortify castles and enlist able commanders among whom were Bartolomeo Villachiara, Sforza Santa Fiore, Sforza Pallavicino and Alessandro Tommasoni da Terni. He collected arms everywhere. We find in old documents that he bought at one time four thousand arquebuses, for a gold crown each, from the celebrated Venturino del Chino, armourer of Gordone in Valtrompia. Bonfadio tells us that these military preparations awakened grave suspicions in the neighbouring cities of the empire who feared that these arms were to be used against themselves. The fear of revolution was widely diffused. Doria could not be an idle witness of this drawing of swords in places so near, especially after the share of Farnese in the Fieschi plot. He had then two motives for prompt action; to secure the safety of the empire and to avenge the blood of Gianettino.
Pier Luigi has been traduced by the malice of writers in the Spanish interest. It is true that Cellini declares him avaricious, and many historians affirm that he was intemperate and a votary of licentious pleasures. Even Aretino admonished him to husband more carefully the strength of his manhood. But the fable of Varchi that he ravished Cosimo Gheri, bishop of Fano, though repeated in our days has no longer any supporters. It is now beyond question that the story began with Pier Paolo Vergerio, a malignant slanderer of Farnese. The slander was refuted at the time by Bishop Della Casa in the time of Vergerio, and later by Ammiani, Poggiali, Morandi, Cardinal Quirino and Apostolo Zeno, not to mention many others. Pier Luigi was great by rank and by nature. He restrained the arrogance of his nobles and had studied much to elevate his people to an equality with their lords. He was supported in these plans by the distinguished literary men who served as his secretaries; Claudio Tolomei, Giovanni Battista Pico, David Spilimbergo, Gandolfo Porrino, Giovanni Paccini, Gottifredi, Rainerio, Zuccardi, Tebalducci, Apollonio and Caro. The last after the death of his master was pursued by assassins and with great difficulty saved his life by fleeing into the province of Cremona.
This open friendship of Farnese for the people, at a time when the lords were everywhere practising great severity, added to the hatred of the imperial agents and whetted their desire for vengeance. There was still another cause of quarrel. The port of the Po at Piacenza had been ceded by Paul III. to the divine Bonarotti (taking away certain rights upon it from the Pusterla and Trivulzio) and Bonarotti had rented it to Francesco Durante, and the nobles taking the sides of the defrauded parties resolved to wreak their vengeance on the pontiff’s son. A conspiracy was formed at the head of which were Giovanni Anguissola, Camillo and Gerolamo Pallavicini and Giovanni Confaloniere. But the soul of the plot was count Agostino Landi, the same person who informed the government at Lucca of the conspiracy of Pietro Fatinelli, and thus betrayed him to death.
Andrea opened his heart to Landi and showed him the golden promises of Cæsar. Casoni relates this and he founded it upon irrefragible proofs which he had in his hands. He adds that the prince pledged to Landi the hand of the sister of Gianettino for his son with a wealthy dowry. This marriage afterwards took place. It was important that, after the assassination of the duke, the duchy of Piacenza should revert to the empire, and to secure this result Doria intrigued with Gerolamo Pallavicino, Marquis of Cortemaggiore and Busseto, whose mother and wife had been held in captivity by Farnese and who was therefore anxious to punish the affront. The conspirators in Piacenza at first really intended to establish a popular government; but Doria adroitly induced them to communicate with Gonzaga. It was not difficult then to secure the subjection of Piacenza to the empire.
A warm animosity burned between Gonzaga and the duke on account of the priorship of Barletta which Gonzaga had obtained for his son to the exclusion of Horace Farnese. Gonzaga made many attempts upon the life of Pier Luigi. Annibal Caro, who in July, 1547 was sent by the latter to Milan informed his master of these plots; but the duke had no presentiment of his imminent peril. The efforts of Gonzaga, however, all failed, and with the knowledge of Charles, he sent captain Federico Gazzino to order the conspirators to proceed with their work.
On the tenth of December 1547 Giovanni Anguissola went to the castle which Farnese had erected to command the city and demanded instant speech of the duke on matters of pressing urgency. Having entered, Anguissola and his friend Giovanni Valentino threw themselves upon the duke and killed him with stabs in his face and breast. On leaving the apartment, the assassin killed a priest and a servant who were rushing in to ascertain the occasion of the duke’s cries, struck down a German lancer who threw himself before him and ran to rejoin his fellow conspirators, who, led by Confaloniere immediately overpowered the garrison of the citadel. Others, headed by Landi and the Pallavicini brothers, attacked and soon captured the castle with but little loss of life. Some mercenaries fleeing from the citadel spread a report that the Spaniards had attacked the castle; and the plebians, to whom the very name Spaniards was odious, rose in arms, gathered around Tommasoni da Terni, captain of the city militia, and marched to the citadel to recover it by storm.
The battle could not have been long or doubtful; for only thirty-seven conspirators were in possession of the fortress. But they invented an expedient which served them in the stead of force. They hung the corpse of the duke to the wall and afterwards threw it into the moat. The sight destroyed the hopes of the people. The conspirators found means to increase the number of their adherents and to occupy the city. Captain Ruschino arrived before the gates, according to a previous understanding, at the head of a considerable body of infantry and shortly after the castellan of Cremona arrived with reinforcements. These were followed by Gonzaga himself who took possession in the name of Cæsar. The vengeance of Doria was complete.
The Venitians were greatly grieved by these events; indeed, all the governments in Italy which were unfriendly to the Spanish power were alarmed at its success. The nobles of Piacenza regretted too late that they had changed masters without gaining their liberties. Gonzaga had promised to destroy the citadel, but he increased its strength and it remained for three centuries.