ADDITIONAL NOTES
P. 16 l. 11.—Niz̤āmī mentions “lover’s marks” where a rebel chieftain commenting on Khusrau’s unfitness to rule by reason of his infatuation for Shīrīn, says, “Hinoz az‘āshīqbāzī garm dāgh ast.” (H.B.)
P. 22 n. 2.—Closer acquaintance with related books leads me to delete the words “Chaghatāī Mughūl” from Ḥaidar Dūghlāt’s tribal designations (p. 22, n. 2, l. 1). (1) My “Chaghatāī” had warrant (now rejected) in Ḥaidar’s statement (T.R. trs. p. 3) that the Dūghlāt amirs were of the same stock (abna‘-i-jins) as the Chaghatāī Khāqāns. But the Dūghlāt off-take from the common stem was of earlier date than Chīngīz Khān’s, hence, his son’s name “Chaghatāī” is a misnomer for Dūghlāts. (2) As for “Mūghūl” to designate Dūghlāt, and also Chaghatāī chiefs—guidance for us rests with the chiefs themselves; these certainly (as did also the Begchīk chiefs) held themselves apart from “Mughūls of the horde” and begs of the horde—as apart they had become by status as chiefs, by intermarriage, by education, and by observance of the amenities of civilized life. To describe Dūghlāt, Chaghatāī and Begchīk chiefs in Bābur’s day as Mughūls is against their self-classification and is a discourtesy. A clear instance of need of caution in the use of the word Mughūl is that of ‘Alī-sher Nawā’ī Chaghatāī. (Cf. Abū’l-ghāzī’s accounts of the formation of several tribes.) (3) That “Mughūl” described for Hindustānis Bābur’s invading and conquering armies does not obliterate distinctions in its chiefs. Mughūls of the horde followed Tīmūrids when to do so suited them; there were also in Bābur’s armies several chiefs of the ruling Chaghatāī family, brothers of The Khān, Sa‘īd (see Chīn-tīmūr, Aīsan-tīmūr, Tūkhta-būghā). With these must have been their following of “Mughūls of the horde”.
P. 34 l. 12.—“With the goshawks” translates qīrchīgha bīla of the Elph. MS. (f. 12b) where it is explained marginally by ba bāzī, with the falcon or goshawk. The Ḥai. MS. however has, in its text, pīāzī bīla which may mean with arrows having points (Sanglākh f. 144b quoting this passage). Ilminski has no answering word (Méms. i, 19). Muḥ. Shirāzī [p. 13 l. 11 fr. ft.] writes ba bāzī mīandākhtan.
P. 39.—The Ḥabību’s-siyar (lith. ed. iii, 217 l. 16) writes of Sayyid Murād Āūghlāqchī (the father or g.f. of Yūsuf) that he (who had, Bābur says, come from the Mughūl horde) held high rank under Abū-sa‘īd Mīrzā, joined Ḥusian Bāī-qarā after the Mīrzā’s defeat and death (873 A.H.), and (p. 218) was killed in defeat by Amīr ‘Alī Jalāīr who was commanding for Yādgār-i-muḥammad Shāh-rukhī.
P. 49.—An Aīmāq is a division of persons and not of territory. In Mongolia under the Chinese Government it answers to khanate. A Khān is at the head of an aīmāq. Aīmāqs are divided into koshung, i.e. banners (Mongolia, N. Prejevalsky trs. E. Delmar Morgan, ii, 53).
P. 75 and n. 1.—For an explanation, provided in 94 AH., of why Samarkand was called Baldat-i-maḥfūẓa, the Guarded-city, see Daulat-shāh, Browne’s ed. s.n. Qulaiba p. 443.
P. 85 n. 2.—The reference to the Ḥabību’s-siyar confuses two cases of parricide:—‘Abdu’l-lat̤īf’s of Aulugh Beg (853-1447) to which Ḥ.S. refers [Vol. III, Part 2, p. 163, l. 13 fr. ft.] with (one of 7-628) Shīrūya’s of Khusrau Parvīz (Ḥ.S. Vol. I, Part 2, p. 44, l. 11 fr. ft.) where the parricide’s sister tells him that the murderer of his father (and 15 brothers) would eventually be punished by God, and (a little lower) the couplet Bābur quotes (p. 85) is entered (H.B.).
P. 154 n. 3.—The Persian phrase in the Siyāsat-nāma which describes the numbering of the army (T. dīm kūrmāk) is ba sar-i-tāzīāna shumurdan. Schafer translates tāzīāna by cravache. I have nowhere found how the whip was used; (cf. S.N. Pers. text p. 15 l. 5).