The same observation may be made in regard to England. There also the increase of 76 per cent, during thirty years of offences tried summarily is due in part to new infractions, created by special legislation, and especially by the Education Act of 1873, under which there were more than forty thousand infractions in 1878, and more than sixty-five thousand in 1886.
In regard to this delinquency in England (wherein are included, over and above real offences, certain infractions corresponding to the police contraventions of the Italian, French, Belgian and Austrian codes) it is to be observed that the increase of 76 per cent. in thirty years is due rather to contraventions than to offences. And this would establish a remarkable <p 72>difference between the variations of delinquency in England and in France.
If we analyse the record of infractions tried summarily in England, we find that contraventions of the law in respect of drunkenness account for most of this increase (from 82,196 in 1861 to 183,221 in 1885 and 165,139 in 1886). On the other hand, offences against the person (assaults) and against property (stealing, larceny, malicious offences) have not shown so large an increase.
In fact, if we compare the variations in assaults and thefts in
France and England, we have the following figures:—
ENGLAND.
1861-3. 1879-81.
Prisoners tried summarily for assaults … … 100 102
Ditto for stealing, larceny, and malicious
offences … … … … … … … 100 110
FRANCE.
Cases tried by the Tribunals:
For assault and wounding … … … … … 100 134
For simple theft … … … … … … … 100 116
So that in England not only the total delinquency, but more especially the commoner offences against the person and against property show a slighter increase than that which has been established for the same period in France. Whilst we do not overlook the greater increase of crimes against the person in England (coinciding, of course, with the doubling of the population in fifty-five years), this fact seems to me to prove the salutary influence of English organisations against certain social factors which lead up to delinquency (such as the care of <p 73>foundlings, the guardianship of the poor, and so forth), notwithstanding the great development of economic activity, which is assuredly in no way inferior to that of France. The figures strengthen my conclusions as to the social factors of crime, and refute the optimistic theory of Poletti.
But the actual participation of each country in the general increase of crime in Europe is determined by other causes, outside of the artificial influences of different codes of law. And the most general and constant of these causes, in all the various physical and social environments, is the annual increase of population, which, by adding to the density of the inhabitants of each country, multiplies their material and legal relations to one another, and, consequently, the objective and subjective constituents of crime.
Taking the official Italian figures, which are also relied on by M. Levasseur, we find, for the periods corresponding to the variations of criminality, the following rates of increase in the population of the different countries. Ireland shows a decrease, owing to emigration.
Increase.
Italy 22,104,789 in 1863—30,947,306 in 1889 40 per cent.
'' 27,165,553 in 1873—30,565,188 in 1888 12 ''
France 31,858,937 in 1826—38,218,903 in 1887 20 per cent.
Belgium 4,072,619 in 1840— 5,583,278 in 1885 44 ''
Prussia 21,046,984 in 1852—26,614,428 in 1878 26 ''
Germany 45,717,000 in 1882—47,540,000 in 1887 4 ''
England 13,896,797 in 1831—27,870,586 in 1886 101 ''
'' 20,066,224 in 1861—27,870,586 in 1886 39 ''
Austria 20,217,531 in 1869—23,070,688 in 1886 14 ''
Ireland 5,798,967 in 1861— 4,777,545 in 1888 dec. 17 ''