On the early history of New Japan there are many valuable works by Alcock, Black, Dickson, Dixon (W. G.), House, Lanman, Mounsey, Mossman, and others. See also Satow’s translation of “Kinse Shiriaku.” On the war with China (1894, 1895), see “Heroic Japan” (Eastlake and Yamada); and on the lessons and results of that war, see “The New Far East” (Diosy). “The Awakening of Japan” (Okakura), “The White Peril in the Far East” (Gulick), and “Young Japan” (Scherer) trace thoughtfully the development of New Japan. “Dai Nippon” (Dyer), chaps, ii. and iv., may be read with profit. “The Progress of Japan, 1853-1871” (Gubbins), covers thoroughly part of this period.
CHAPTER IX
CONSTITUTIONAL IMPERIALISM
Outline of Topics: The “Charter Oath” of Japan; popular agitation; promise of a national assembly; a red-letter year; the “Magna Charta” of Japan; Imperial prerogatives; personality of Emperor and Empress; Crown Prince and Princess; Imperial grandchildren; Privy Council; Imperial Cabinet; Departments of State; sundry comments; House of Peers; House of Commons; some “firsts”; rights and duties of subjects; criticisms of Japanese politics; popular rights; personnel of two Houses; cabinet responsibility; political parties; persons and principles; constitutional system satisfactory.—Bibliography.
WHEN the Revolution, or Restoration, of 1868 ended the usurpation, and overthrew the despotism of the Shōgun, the young Emperor, Mutsuhito, restored to his ancestral rights as the actual sole ruler of the empire, took solemn oath that “a deliberative assembly should be formed; all measures be decided by public opinion; the uncivilized customs of former times should be broken through; the impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature be adopted as a basis of action; and that intellect and learning should be sought for throughout the world, in order to establish the foundations of the empire.” In that same year an assembly of representatives of the clans was called to meet in the capital, and was given the title of Shūgi-in (House of Commons). It consisted of samurai (knights) from each clan; and as they were appointed by each daimyō (prince), the body was a purely feudal, and not at all a popular, assembly. In 1871 feudalism was abolished, and later a senate was established; but that was an advisory body, consisting of officials appointed by the Emperor and without legislative power. In 1875 the Emperor convoked a council of the officers of the provincial governments with a purpose stated as follows: “We also call a council of the officials of our provinces, so that the feelings of the people may be made known and the public welfare attained. By these means we shall gradually confer upon the nation a constitutional form of government. The provincial officials are summoned as the representatives of the people in the various provinces, that they may express their opinion on behalf of the people.”
But a body so constituted and rather conservative could not satisfy the demands of the new age. Itagaki (now Count) insisted that the government should “guarantee the establishment of a popular assembly,” and organized societies, or associations, for popular agitation of the subject. Petitions and memorials poured in upon the government, within whose circles Ōkuma (now Count), Minister of Finance, was most active in the same direction. In the mean time (1878) provincial assemblies, the members of which were chosen by popular election, had been established as a preparatory measure.
It was on October 12, 1881, that the Emperor issued his memorable proclamation that a National Assembly should be opened in 1890. That proclamation read as follows:—
“We therefore hereby declare that we shall, in the 23rd year of Meiji, establish a Parliament, in order to carry into full effect the determination we have announced, and we charge our faithful subjects bearing our commissions to make, in the mean time, all necessary preparations to that end. With regard to the limitations upon the Imperial prerogative, and the constitution of the Parliament, we shall decide hereafter, and shall make proclamation in due time.”
From that time on there was progress, “steadily, if slowly, in the direction of greater decentralization and broader popular prerogative.”
The year 1889 was a red-letter year in the calendar of Japan’s political progress. On February 11 was promulgated that famous document[89] which took Japan forever out of the ranks of Oriental despotisms and placed her among constitutional monarchies; and on April 1 the law of local self-government for city, town, and village went into effect.
The Japanese Constitution has very appropriately been called “the Magna Charta of Japanese liberty.” It was not, however, like the famous English document, extorted by force from an unwilling monarch and a cruel tyrant, but was voluntarily granted by a kind and loved ruler at the expense of his inherited and long-established rights. The present Emperor holds the throne according to the native tradition, perpetuated even in the language of the Constitution, by virtue of a “lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal.” But even though rigid criticism compels us to reject as more or less mythological the so-called “history” of about 1,000 years; and although Yoshihito, therefore, may not be really the 123d ruler of the line from the Japanese Romulus (Jimmu), nevertheless he remains the representative of the oldest living dynasty in the world. If, then, time is a factor in confirming the claims and rights of a ruler, no king or emperor of the present day has a better title. And his father, born and bred in the atmosphere of Oriental absolutism and despotism, “in consideration of the progressive tendency of the course of human affairs, and in parallel with the advance of civilization,”[90] voluntarily and generously admitted his people to a share in the administration of public affairs.