We may, therefore, conclude that the working of the new system of government has, on the whole, been satisfactory. We must acknowledge, with the “Japan Mail,” that “it would be altogether extravagant to expect that Japan’s new constitutional garments should fit her perfectly from the first. They are too large for her. She has to grow into them, and of course the process is destined to be more or less awkward.” We must agree with Prince Itō, the author of the Constitution, not only that there has been the experimental period, but also that “excellent results have thus far been obtained, when it is remembered how sudden has been the transition from feudalism to representative institutions.” We ought, indeed, to bear in mind, that, when the Constitution was promulgated, Japan was only eighteen years out of feudalism and twenty-one years out of military despotism; so that, by both the Oriental and the Occidental reckoning, New Japan had only just come “of age” politically. She seems, therefore, deserving of the greatest credit for the progress of the first decade of constitutionalism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
“The Story of Japan” (Murray), “Advance Japan” (Morris), and “The Yankees of the East” (Curtis), give some information here and there about the government of Japan. But especially helpful are Wigmore’s articles in the “Nation” and “Scribner’s Monthly,” Iyenaga’s “Constitutional Development of Japan,” Knapp’s “Feudal and Modern Japan,” Count (now Marquis) Itō’s “Commentaries on the Constitution of the Empire of Japan,” and Lay’s “History of Japanese Political Parties” (Transactions Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. xxx. part iii.). See also “The Political Ideas of Modern Japan” (Kawakami), and “Dai Nippon” (Dyer), chaps. xiii. and xiv. Uycharu’s “Political Development of Japan (1867-1909)” is the latest and best.
CHAPTER X
LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT
Outline of Topics: Local government under feudalism; periods of modern local self-government; gradual development therein; prefectural assemblies; candidates and electors; standing committee; sessions; business; speaking; petitions; how bills become laws; powers of prefectural assemblies, theoretical and practical; residents and citizens of cities, towns, and villages; rights and duties of citizens; administration in city, town, and village; city council; town and village officials; city assembly; assemblymen; powers of city assembly; town or village assembly; special provisions for towns and villages; administration of territories; pacification of Formosa; colonial government; policy in Formosa; political progress in Japan.—Bibliography.
WE have already noted incidentally in preceding chapters some of the steps in the development of local self-government in Japan; and now we must treat that subject more particularly. First it is well to observe in passing that the steps from feudalism to local self-government were not so difficult as might be imagined; for under the feudal system local government by clans had prevailed.[98] And yet when feudalism was abolished, the reconstruction of local government was entered upon slowly and cautiously in order to minimize jealousies and other obstacles.
Wigmore, in his articles[99] on this subject, divides the period from 1867 to 1889 into two parts (1867-1878 and 1878-1889), and explains as follows: “The former was occupied with testing the capacity of the people for self-government; the latter with extending to them a larger and larger measure of power, and in advancing towards a proper degree of decentralization.” As he wrote in 1890, he was just at the beginning of the third period, what he himself calls “a new period,” during which local self-government, under the new constitutional régime, was to be still further expanded in the line of popular privileges.
After the Shōgunate fell, but before feudalism was formally abolished, that is, from 1867 to 1871, the chiefs of the clans were allowed to continue their administration of local affairs under the title of chi-hanji (local governor). But when feudalism was formally abolished in 1871, these feudal lords were retired on annuities; their fiefs (263 in number) were incorporated, regardless of former geographical and feudal boundaries, and with regard for convenience of administration by the central government, into 72 Ken and 3 Fu; and outsiders were largely appointed to the position of governor in these new local governments. The first attempts on the part of the central government to consult local public opinion were by means of meetings of the local officials; but the people were gradually allowed, in rather an informal and limited way, to have a voice in certain matters. In 1878, however, as we have seen, prefectural assemblies, the members of which should be chosen by popular election, were established; and just ten years later a law extending local self-government to cities, towns, and villages was enacted, to go into effect in 1889. And these two agencies of local self-government in Japan are worthy of a little study.
The Japanese Kenkwai and Fukwai correspond, in general, with an American State legislature, but differ in many respects, because they are part of a centralized national administration. They are “to counsel about the budget of expenses to be met by local taxation, and about the manner of collecting such taxes.” The members are elected in each Ken or Fu according to the population, at the rate of 1 member for each 20,000 people. Each electoral district may also elect yobi-in (reserve members), twice the number of regular members. As their name indicates, they are to take the places of regular members who may for any reason be unable to serve. It is, therefore, unlikely that there would ever be a vacancy to be filled by a special election; for each member has two “substitutes” ready to step into his vacant place! The term of service covers 4 years; but half of the members retire every 2 years. Each member receives an emolument of 1 yen per diem during the session, and travelling expenses.
A candidate for representative in a prefectural assembly must be over 25 years of age, a permanent resident of that Ken or Fu, and be paying an annual land-tax of more than 10 yen. Voters in such an election must be over 20 years of age, permanent residents of that Ken or Fu, and be paying annual land-taxes of more than 5 yen. There are about 2,000,000 voters in all.