Augustus: The Life and Times of the Founder of the Roman Empire

by Evelyn S. Shuckburgh

Cæsar and Antony suspected Lepidus of keeping up communication with Pompeius, and consequently he was practically shelved. He was to remain at Rome to keep order and carry out formal duties, while Antony was to transport his legions from Brundisium to attack Brutus and Cassius, and Cæsar was to conduct the war against Sextus Pompeius. But the strength of Pompeius seems not to have been fully realised. Cæsar despatched a fleet under Q. Salvidienus to Sicily, while he himself went by land to Rhegium. But Salvidienus was badly defeated by Pompeius and had to retire to the Italian shore to refit,[173] and before Cæsar had time to do anything more he was called to the aid of Antony, who was in difficulties at Brundisium, the exit of the harbour being blocked by the ships of Statius Murcus, presently reinforced by those of Ahenobarbus. The arrival of Cæsar and his fleet enabled the transports to cross, and Antony marched along the Egnatian Way to join his advanced army at Amphipolis. Cæsar was once more attacked by illness and obliged to stay at Dyrrachium; but hearing that Antony, on his arrival, had suffered some reverses in cavalry skirmishes, he resolved to join him at all hazards. It was indeed a crisis of the utmost importance to him. He was leaving Italy exposed to a double danger, on the east from Murcus and Ahenobarbus, on the south from Sextus Pompeius. If Antony were defeated Cæsar would be in a most alarming position; if Antony won without him, his own prestige would be damaged and he might have to take a second place in the joint government. As before in the Spanish journey his resolution conquered physical weakness, and he reached the seat of war before any general engagement had taken place. He found the army somewhat discouraged. Antony had left his heavy baggage at Amphipolis, which had been secured by Decidius and Norbanus, and had advanced over the wide plain (about sixty miles) to within a mile of the high ground on which Brutus and Cassius were entrenched. But they were too strongly posted to be attacked, and he had suffered some losses in his attempts to draw them down. His men were getting demoralised by the evidently superior position of the enemy, who were protected on the right by mountains, and on their left by a marsh stretching between them and the sea, so that it was impossible to turn their position on either side. Delay was all in favour of Brutus and Cassius, whose fleet afforded abundant provisions, while Antony would have great difficulty in feeding his army during the winter, and the season was already advanced. In mere numbers there was not much difference. Both had nineteen legions; and, though those of Brutus were not at their full strength, he and Cassius had 20,000 cavalry, as against 13,000 of Antony and Cæsar.

First battle at Philippi.

The first battle (late in October) was brought on by an attempt of Antony’s to get across the marsh by a causeway which he had himself constructed, and storm an earthwork which Cassius had thrown up to prevent him. Repulsing a flank attack made by the division of Brutus, he carried the earthwork and even took the camp of Cassius, who with his main body retired to the heights nearer Philippi with heavy loss. But Antony had also suffered severely, and the fate of the day could not be considered decided until it was known how Brutus had fared, who after the unsuccessful attack on Antony’s flank, had attacked Cæsar’s division which was opposite him. In this last movement he had been entirely successful. Cæsar’s camp had been stormed and his men driven into flight, he himself being absent through illness. The result of this cross victory was that both armies returned to their original positions. Antony, finding that the left wing was defeated, did not venture to remain in the camp of Cassius. Cassius might have returned to it, but for a mistake which cost him his life. He was wrongly informed that Brutus had been defeated, and being short-sighted he mistook a squadron of cavalry that was riding up to announce Brutus’s success for enemies, and anticipated what he supposed to be inevitable capture by suicide. Brutus, informed of this, withdrew his men from the attack on Cæsar’s camp, and retired behind their lines, occupying again Cassius’s abandoned quarters.

Second battle at Philippi, November.

Nearly at the same time as this indecisive battle the cause of the triumvirs had suffered a disaster nearer home. A fleet of transports conveying the Martia, another legion, and some cavalry was destroyed by Murcus and Ahenobarbus, and the greater part of the men had been lost at sea or forced to surrender. Though Brutus did not yet know this he held his position for about a fortnight longer. But the tidings when they came made it more than ever necessary for Antony and Cæsar to strike a blow; for they were still more isolated than before and more entirely cut off from supplies. On the other hand, the officers and men in the army of Brutus were inspired by it with an eager desire to follow up the good news by fighting a decisive battle. Brutus yielded against his better judgment and drew out his men. Antony and Cæsar did the same. But it was not until the afternoon was well advanced that the real fighting began. After spending more time than usual in hurling volleys of pila and stones, they drew their swords and grappled in a furious struggle at close quarters. Both Antony and Cæsar were active in bringing up fresh companies to fill up gaps made by the fallen. At last the part of the line against which Cæsar was engaged began to give way, retiring step by step, and fighting desperately all the while. But the order grew looser and looser, until at length it broke into downright flight. The camp of Brutus was stormed and his whole army scattered. Cæsar was left to guard the captured camp, while Antony (as at Pharsalia) led the cavalry in pursuit. He ordered his men to single out officers for slaughter or capture, lest they should rally their men and make a farther stand. He was particularly anxious to capture Brutus, perhaps as hoping to avenge his brother. But in this his men were foiled by a certain Lucilius, who threw himself in their way professing to be Brutus, and the mistake was not discovered till he was brought to Antony. Brutus had, in fact, escaped to high ground with four legions. He hoped with this force to recapture his camp and continue the policy of wearing out the enemy by delay. But a good look-out was maintained by Antony during the night, and the next morning his officers told Brutus that they would fight no more, but were resolved to try to save their lives by making terms with the victors. Exclaiming that he was then of no farther use to his country, Brutus called on his freedman Strato to kill him, which he immediately did.

Conduct of Cæsar after the victory.

There is some conflict of testimony as to the severitie inflicted after the victory. The bulk of the survivors with their officers submitted and were divided between the armies of the two triumvirs. A certain number who had been connected with the assassination and included in the proscription lists felt that they had no mercy to expect, and saved farther trouble by putting an end to their own lives. But some also, as Favonius the Stoic, imitator of Cato, were executed. Suetonius attributes to Cæsar not only special severity, but cruel and heartless insults to those whom he condemned. To one man begging for burial he answered that “that would be business of the birds.” A father and son begging their lives he bade play at morra for the privilege of surviving. And he ordered the head of Brutus to be sent home that it might be placed at the foot of Iulius Cæsar’s statue. As usual there remain some doubts as to these stories. That of the father and son, for instance, is related by Dio, but placed after Actium.[174] And the story as to the head of Brutus is somewhat inconsistent with the honourable treatment of the body attributed to Antony.[175] The refusal of funeral rites is contrary to his own assertion in his autobiography; and, in the Monumentum Ancyranum, he declares that he “spared all citizens.”[176] But it must be conceded that until the assassins and their supporters were finally disposed of he shewed himself relentless. The milder sentiments are those of a later time. The plea of a duty to avenge his “father’s” murder may mitigate, but cannot annul, his condemnation.

Second division of the Empire, B.C. 42.

The victory of Philippi reunited the eastern and western parts of the Empire, and therefore necessitated a fresh distribution of spheres of influence among the triumvirs. The new agreement was reduced to writing and properly attested, partly that Cæsar might silence opposition at Rome, but partly also because the two men had already begun to feel some of their old distrust of each other. During the late campaign, when there seemed some chance of defeat, Antony had expressed regret at having embarrassed himself with Cæsar instead of making terms with Brutus and Cassius, and such words, however hasty or petulant, would be sure to reach Cæsar’s ears. The respect also shewn by Antony to the remains of Brutus, and the evident tendency of the defeated party to prefer union with him rather than with Cæsar, as well as the more generous terms which he was willing to grant, must all have suggested to Cæsar the precarious nature of the tie between them. It was necessary therefore to put the arrangement now made beyond dispute.