Sentiments are advanced which contradict this view of duty. Maxims of political action have been promulgated,—not only in the fierce struggle that attends an election, but in calmer moments,—which shock common sense as well as religious feeling. It is said, but by no one it may be presumed who has any sense of character, that all is fair in politics; as if success were the only thing to be regarded. But I need not stop to expose such an atrocious rule of action, which would justify whatever is base or criminal. It is urged, however, in vindication of methods of acquiring influence which offend a clear-sighted conscience, that if a party cannot prevail but by using the weapons with which it is attacked, it must resort to these means of self-preservation. What is this but another way of expressing the doctrine on the enormity of which we have just remarked? Self-preservation should not be the object most studied by a party. The preservation of a character which will stand the test of moral principle should be far dearer. If a party cannot live without adopting what it condemns, let it perish; let falsehood and shamelessness triumph. It will be only for a season. From the ashes of a party that has fallen a sacrifice to its own rectitude will arise another phenix of political virtue, with fresh vigour and immortal hope. It is sometimes contended, that a man must go with his party, though it be against his conscience. Mischievous and infamous language. What! a man put himself into chains, that he may plead captivity as an excuse for sin? Shall the partisan with his own hand efface the prerogatives of his humanity, and dare to trample on the laws of God, though he has not, and because he has not, the courage to break the leash in which he is led along like a hound watching his master’s eye? No. Every one of us is bound by higher obligations than those which connect him with a party. If the higher and the inferior obligations come in conflict, let the true man snap the latter, as if they were bands of tow and not fetters of iron.
The most powerful instrument that a political party can use for the accomplishment of its ends, whether good or bad, is the press, and therefore this should be placed under the control of moral and religious conviction. A press which violates the sanctity of truth and lends itself to unrighteous uses, is a disgrace to the community which gives it support, and which cannot long endure its presence without feeling its disastrous influence. If men sit beneath the shade of the poison-tree, they cannot but inhale its noxious atmosphere. The press should be consecrated to intelligence and virtue; but if, instead of the service which it may render to the highest interests of man, it condescends to become the pander of his prejudices and the slave of his passions, to do the scavenger-work of a party in the unclean ways of falsehood and calumny, it deserves only scorn and reprobation. An independent press is a blessing to a land; but a vagabond or a hireling press is a nuisance. The independence of the press! much talked about, but little exemplified, and probably little understood. It does not consist in recklessness of assertion, or violence of language, in gross misrepresentation, and grosser assault on character; but in maintaining itself above the fluctuations of opinion in the serene heaven of truth and principle, in trying political theories and measures by the standard of a pure morality, in breasting the current of popular or party sentiment when it runs towards evil, and in advocating the right though it have few to speak on its behalf. Why cannot we have a press that shall exhibit this character? Ought it not to exist in a Christian nation? Now, with honorable exceptions, our public journals give no evidence that the conception of such a character was ever entertained, or at best indicate that it is regarded as an ideal excellence, about which practical men need not trouble themselves. The tone of a large portion of the political press on the eve or during the progress of an election—and in our country but little time falls without this description—is unchristian, immoral, barbarous. Strange as it may sound, I believe that the words with which the birth of the Redeemer was celebrated by the heavenly host, “Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace, goodwill among men,” express the aims which the press should adopt and the spirit in which its labours should be pursued.
The same great principles of conduct which we have traced in their application to the private offices of citizenship should be adopted by public men, and by these principles should their course be judged. They should act under a sense of their relations to God and their duty to their fellow-men. The common remark is, that they are responsible to their country. But there is a higher responsibleness than this, which they must not forget. They act in the sight of God, and on each one of them devolve the obligations of personal fidelity, which requires that they never compromise their uprightness nor relinquish their hold on a virtuous character. Let the conduct of statesmen in all ages be brought to this standard, and how will it bear the test? The very principles on which statesmanship has proceeded—the principles of crooked policy and exclusive national advantage—are fatal to purity of character. It is related of Lord Stanhope, one of the ministers of George I. that one day, after musing some time in company, he started up and said as to himself, “It is impossible!” and being asked what it was that was impossible, he replied, “It is impossible for a minister to be an honest man.” Was there not sad truth as well as keen satire in this remark of one whose experience must add weight to his opinion? Still, not truth enough to justify despair; for it is not “impossible,” that men in the most conspicuous and dangerous positions should hold fast their integrity. There have been those who have passed through the ordeal unharmed. Washington alone might prove that public station and personal excellence may be maintained together. And besides other names that our own annals might supply, he whom the providence of God removed from the highest office in this nation when he had but just crossed its threshold was, if we may believe various and positive testimony, an example of moral and religious character worthy of universal imitation. By the consent of all parties, the late President Harrison was a good man; and now that he has gone to the judgment where there is no respect of persons, who does not feel that this is a better title than he could have won by the most splendid administration of our government? Impressive is the lesson of his departure, and sincere was the mourning that followed him to his grave; but the remembrance of his inflexible though modest worth will abide in the firmament of public life, a bright star sending down its calm influence through the interval of years and ages. Let the people demand of their rulers that they copy this example. Let them say to the candidate for public office,—We require moral principle, we desire religious faith, in those to whom we commit the trusts that are at our disposal; we wish for something on which we can rely, and the only thing on which we can rely is character. Let them say to the representatives of the nation’s dignity on the floors of Congress,—Conduct yourselves like men of principle; pollute not these chambers by invectives that would disgrace a dramshop nor by broils that belong to scenes of midnight riot; attend to the business for which we sent you to the national halls, and make us not ashamed of ourselves that we have chosen men, whom we cannot respect, to be our legislators.
And finally, the same principles which should sway individuals in all the relations of life are applicable to nations in respect to both their internal and their foreign affairs. The same principles of reverence, justice and generosity. Of reverence; for the Divine providence and government embrace within their oversight the largest empire as well as the humblest man, even as the same care guides a planet that shapes a drop. That prayer which the civil authority of the State puts into the mouths of the ministers of religion, “God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,” is not a mere form of words. It has a meaning, which the hearts of the people should confess. Of justice; for a community, be it larger or smaller, in its action but expresses the aggregate or the preponderance of certain human wills, every one of which should be subject to the law of rectitude, and whose combined force must therefore represent the prevalent morality of the members. Nothing can be more preposterous, than to maintain that a community is not bound by the laws of moral obligation. If this be the fact, then the most enormous wickedness may be perpetrated, fraud and injustice execute their projects and cruelty bathe its hands in blood, and no one be guilty; Heaven be defied, and earth be stained, but no one culpable! A State is bound to keep good faith as much as an individual. It is bound to deal righteously and glorify God, to “eschew evil and do good.” The doctrine broached in some quarters, that legislation may be dishonest and yet reproach not cleave to the State which suffers it, is as false as it is base. They by whom it is promulgated are enemies nurtured at the bosom of the Republic. Their
“dishonour
Mangles true judgment, and bereaves the State
Of that integrity which should become it;
Not having the power to do the good it would,
For the ill which doth control it.”
Of generosity; for the sentiment of love may warm a nation’s breast. Political institutions need not engender exclusiveness. Nations should treat one another honestly and openly, discarding that maxim on which the international relations of the world have in past ages been conducted, that the prosperity of each must be promoted by the obstacles thrown in the way of the rest. This is neither a Christian nor a sound maxim. Men are beginning to open their eyes upon the fact, that it is unsound and pernicious; yet how slow are they in coming to the real truth, that the nation which pays the most sincere respect to the rights, and shows the most liberal spirit in regard to the interests, of other nations, will most effectually secure its own rights and advance its own interests. It is time that the old Pagan notion of patriotism should be displaced by more just ideas. Love of country was once interpreted to mean hatred of all other people,—in days when virtue had no other meaning than courage, and he was thought to show the most lofty patriotism who bound the greatest number of captives to the car of victory. It is time that the more modern conception of national glory as identical with national superiority, if not in arms, in some other class of achievements, should give place to a right appreciation of the end for which a nation should labour. This end is neither aggrandizement nor superiority, but virtue. To what should a nation make all its laws and institutions and the whole action of its government subservient? To the improvement of the people; to their intellectual and moral elevation; to their individual and social advancement. As this improvement takes place, they will rise to a nobler conception of the service they may render to mankind, and patriotism will be found to harmonize with philanthropy. Then will the miserable jealousies which have been cherished and the execrable policy which has been pursued disappear before the progress of Christian sentiment. Then will governments extend to each other an open, and not a closed or mailed, hand. Then will war stand forth before their view in all its hideousness, its features distorted by rage, and its garments dripping with blood,—a mournful and a fearful spectacle. Oh! when shall the time come, that the true character of War—its horrors, its vices, its crimes, unredeemed by a single trait properly its own,—shall be understood. Almost nineteen centuries ago was the Prince of Peace born into the midst of the woes of humanity,—this the greatest of them all,—that he might drive them from the earth; and still war ravages the globe like a wild beast furious with hunger. No; I have spoken hastily. Rather should I have said, like one who feels that decay has taken hold of his strength. There is promise of a better period, when men shall be the demon’s prey no longer. Oh God, hasten that time for thy goodness’ and thy mercy’s sake!