This amount is exclusive of all the long scale of law charges and attorney's fees that were incurred, and is entirely the perquisite of the sheriff.
Now, notwithstanding that high-sounding clamor about the laws of South Carolina, which every South Carolinian, in the redundance of his feelings, strives to impress you with the sovereignty of its justice, its sacred rights, and its pre-eminent reputation, we never were in a country or community where the privileges of a certain class were so much abused. Every thing is made to conserve popular favor, giving to those in influence power to do what they please with a destitute class, whether they be white or black. Official departments are turned into depots for miserable espionage, where the most unjust schemes are practised upon those whose voices cannot be heard in their own defence. A magistrate is clothed with, or assumes a power that is almost absolute, committing them without a hearing, and leaving them to waste in jail; then releasing them before the court sits, and charging the fees to the State; or releasing the poor prisoner on receiving “black mail” for the kindness; giving one man a peace-warrant to oppress another whom he knows cannot get bail; and where a man has served out the penalty of the crime for which he was committed, give a peace-warrant to his adversary that he may continue to vent his spleen upon him. In this manner, we have known a man who had served seven months' imprisonment for assault and battery, by an understanding between the magistrate and the plaintiff, continued in jail for several years upon a peace-warrant, issued by the magistrate from time to time, until at length he shot himself in jail. The man was a peaceable man, and of a social temperament. He had been offered the alternative of leaving the State, but he scorned to accept it. To show that we are correct in what we say respecting some of the Charleston officials, we insert an article which appeared in the Charleston Courier of Sept. 1, 1852:—[For the Courier.]
“Many of the quiet and moral portion of our community can form no adequate conception of the extent to which those who sell liquor, and otherwise trade with our slaves, are now plying their illegal and demoralizing traffic. At no period within our recollection has it prevailed to such an alarming extent; at no period has its influence upon our slave population been more palpable or more dangerous; at no period has the municipal administration been so wilfully blind to these corrupt practices, or so lenient and forgiving when such practices are exposed.”
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“We have heard it intimated that when General Schnierle is a candidate for the mayoralty, they are regularly assessed for means to defray the expenses of the canvass. Instances are not wanting where amounts of money are paid monthly to General Schnierle's police as a reward for shutting their eyes and closing their lips when unlawful proceedings are in progress. We have at this moment in our possession a certificate from a citizen, sworn to before Mr. Giles, the magistrate, declaring that he, the deponent, heard one of the city police-officers (Sharlock) make a demand for money upon one of these shop-keepers, and promised that if he would pay him five dollars at stated intervals, 'none of the police-officers would trouble him.' This affidavit can be seen, if inquired for, at this office. Thus bribery is added to guilt, and those who should enforce the laws are made auxiliaries in their violation. Said one of these slave-destroyers to us, 'General Schnierle suits us very well. I have no trouble with General Schnierle'—remarks at once repugnant and suggestive. * * * We are told by one, that Mr. Hutchinson, when in power, fined him heavily (and, as he thought, unjustly) for selling liquor to a slave; hence he would not vote for him. An additional reason for this animosity toward Mr. Hutchinson arises from the fact that the names of offenders were always published during that gentleman's administration, while under that of General Schnierle they are screened from public view. On any Sunday evening, light may be seen in the shops of these dealers. If the passer-by will for a few moments stay his course, he will witness the ingress and egress of negroes; if he approach the door, he will hear noise as of card-playing and revelry within. And this is carried on unblushingly; is not confined to a shop here and a shop there, but may be observed throughout the city. The writer of this article, some Sundays since, witnessed from his upper window a scene of revelry and gambling in one of these drinking-shops, which will scarcely be credited. A party of negroes were seen around a card-table, with money beside them, engaged in betting; glasses of liquor were on the table, from which they ever and anon regaled themselves with all the nonchalance and affected mannerism of the most fashionable blades of the beau monde.
“This may not be a 'desecration of the Sabbath' by the municipal authorities themselves, but they are assuredly responsible for its profanation. Appointed to guard the public morals, they are assuredly censurable if licentiousness is suffered to run its wild career unnoticed and unchecked. We do not ask to be believed. We would prefer to have skeptical rather than credulous readers. We should prefer that all would arise from the perusal of this article in doubt, and determine to examine for themselves. We believe in the strength and sufficiency of ocular proof, and court investigation.
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“We are abundantly repaid if we succeed in arousing public attention to the alarming and dangerous condition of our city. * * * Let inquiry be entered into. We boldly challenge it. It will lead to other and more astonishing developments than those we have revealed. (Signed)
“A RESPONSIBLE CITIZEN.” [ [!-- H2 anchor --] ]