Rom. x. 56.
they would have been tried by the Council of Ten and hanged within twenty-four hours; now they were merely confined in the fort on the Lido, in charge of two nobles, Tommaso Soranzo and Domenico Tiepolo, who were recommended ‘to treat them charitably.’
But these successes so greatly encouraged the reaction against the insurrection that Bonaparte feared lest he should lose some of the fruits of
Molmenti, Nuovi St. 356, 357.
his industrious propaganda. Accordingly, by his instructions, General Landrieux accused the Venetian troops of threatening the French army in the valleys of Bergamo, and ordered the Venetian Governor, Battaglia, to be put in irons, and his ‘accomplices’ to be hanged. These were mere threats, of course, but after that the rebels were openly supported by the French. On the other hand, the communities that meant to remain faithful to the Republic invoked its help a last time before returning the weapons they had taken from the insurgents, and swore that if they were only given a leader they would die to a man in defence of Venice. Even after the French had occupied the whole Venetian territory the Senate still received loyal letters from Vallesabbia; one of these ended with these words: ‘Our hearts will always be for Saint Mark, and we therefore swear to break any promise that may be before long got from us by force, at the first sight of the Venetian standard we love.’
The truce of Judenburg between France and Austria was destined in Bonaparte’s opinion to decide the destinies of the Republic. Junot appeared suddenly in Venice on Good Friday, bringing a despatch from Bonaparte dated the ninth of April. A more violent and theatrical document can hardly be imagined. The general accuses the Venetians of rousing the country people to murder the French and ordering a perfect Massacre of the Innocents. His magnificent generosity has met with ‘impious perfidy’ on the part of the Senate. His adjutant offers peace or war, and war is declared if the authors of the massacres are not delivered. Observe, that as there had been no massacres, no authors of them could be given up, and therefore the declaration of war was made; Bonaparte was always logical. He was ‘not a Turk,’ he adds; he was not even an enemy. These were ‘not the days of Charles VIII.,’ and he gave the Venetians twenty-four hours to realise the fact or perish. But he would not come like their ‘assassins,’ to ‘lay waste the lands of an innocent and unhappy people.’ He came to protect. The people would ‘one day bless even the crimes which had obliged the French army to free them from the tyranny of Venice.’
Bonaparte’s name is still execrated throughout Italy, and in a large part of the south ‘French’ means ‘abominable.’ Even the southern sailors call a dangerous storm ‘French weather.’
Junot had been informed that the government could transact no business till after Holy Week, but he insisted on being received, and read the despatch before the Doge and the Signory in an imperious tone. Bonaparte possessed a marvellous dramatic sense, and he trained his men to act his comedies to perfection. In the part of the Avenging Angel, Junot was terribly impressive.
It may be supposed that even then Venice had a choice: she might submit, or perish bravely in self-defence. But such men as Ludovico Manin and the Savi were not free to choose. No weak man is when the strong man has him by the collar. The Signory was used to humiliation, and was past shame, and it followed to the end the path it had chosen.
The truce between France and Austria continued, but only the possession of Venice could be the basis of a durable peace. Bonaparte’s plan was to exasperate the Venetians till they really violated their neutrality, and then to seize the city. No one ever comments on the morality of conquerors nowadays. Virtue has nothing to do with the greatness of princes. Bonaparte’s scheme was odious, of course, but it succeeded.