It is impossible to rise from a perusal of the despatches written by Sir Garnet after his arrival in Natal, in answer or with reference to matters in which the Bishop was concerned, without coming to the conclusion that from the very beginning his mind was prejudiced against the Bishop’s course, and that he had no sympathy with him or the people in whom he was interested. Far from attempting to carry out Lord Carnarvon’s instructions in the spirit in which they were undoubtedly given, he set aside some, and gave an interpretation of his own to others, which considerably altered their effect; while his two despatches, dated May 12th and 17th, show plainly enough the bias of his mind.
The first is on the subject of the return of Langalibalele, which the Bishop had recommended, offering to receive him upon his own land at Bishopstowe, and to make himself responsible, within reasonable limits, for the chief’s good behaviour. Sir Garnet “would deprecate in the strongest terms” such return. “Langalibalele,” he says, “as I am informed by all classes here, official and non-official (a very small knot of men of extreme views excepted), is regarded by the native population at large as a chief who, having defied the authorities, and in doing so occasioned the murder of some white men, is now suffering for that conduct.” While thus avoiding the direct responsibility of sitting “in judgment upon past events,” by quoting from “all classes here,” he practically confirms their opinion by speaking of those who differ from them as “a very small knot of men of extreme views;” and he further commits himself to the very unsoldierlike expression of “murder” as applied to the death of the five men at the Bushman’s River Pass, by speaking in the same paragraph of the punishment of the chief as “a serious warning to all other Kafir chiefs ... to avoid imitating his example.” Without mentioning the Bishop by name, he makes repeated allusions to him in a tone calculated to give an utterly false impression of his action and character. “To secure these objects” (the future safety of the colony and the true interests of white and black) “it is essential that a good feeling should exist between the two races; and I am bound to say that in my opinion those who, by the line of conduct they adopt, keep alive the recollection of past events,”[44] etc. etc. “I have no wish to attribute to those who adopt this policy any interested motives. I am sure that they are actuated by feelings of high philanthropy,” (? simple justice and honesty), “and nothing is farther from my mind than a wish to cast any slur upon them. Yet I must say that from the manner in which they refuse to believe all evidence that does not coincide with their own peculiar views, and from the fact of their regarding the condition of affairs in Natal from one standpoint alone, I am forced to consider them impractical (sic), and not to be relied on as advisers by those who are responsible for the good government of all classes.” In the following paragraphs he speaks of “sensational narratives oftentimes based upon unsifted evidence,” “highly-coloured accounts,” and “one-sided, highly-coloured, and, in some instances, incorrect statements that have been made public in a sensational manner,” all which could refer to the Bishop alone. If by regarding the condition of affairs in Natal from one standpoint alone, Sir Garnet Wolseley means the standpoint of British honour and justice, and looks upon those who hold it as “impractical,” there is little more to say. But Sir Garnet can never have given his attention to the Bishop’s printed pamphlets, and could therefore have no right to an opinion as to his reception or treatment of evidence, or he would not venture to use the expressions just quoted of one who had never made an assertion without the most careful and patient sifting of the grounds for it, whose only object was to establish the truth, whatever that might be, and who was only too glad whenever his investigations threw discredit upon a tale of wrong or oppression. That principles of strict honour and justice should in these our days be characterised as “peculiar views,” is neither to the credit of the English nation nor of its “only man.”
In the second despatch mentioned Sir Garnet makes the following singular remark: “In the meantime I take the liberty of informing your lordship that the words ‘the Amahlubi may, if they choose, when that is prepared which is to be prepared, go to him,’ are interpreted, by those who have taken an active part in favour of the tribe, as binding the Government to convey all members of the Amahlubi tribe who may wish to join Langalibalele, to whatever place may be finally selected for his location. I do not conceive that any such meaning is intended, and should not recommend that such an interpretation should be recognised. I think, however, it may fairly be matter for consideration whether Langalibalele’s wives and children, who have lost all their property,[45] might not be assisted with passages by sea to join Langalibalele.”[46]
It is difficult to imagine what other interpretation can be placed on the words of the proclamation, or how, after it had once been delivered, any narrower measures could be fairly considered, or require further “instructions.”
In subsequent letters Sir Garnet scouts altogether representations made by the Bishop of the destitute condition of members of the Hlubi tribe, replying to Lord Carnarvon on the subject by enclosing letters from various magistrates in different parts of the country denying that destitution existed; saying that the people were “in sufficiently good circumstances;” and most of them suggesting that, should anything like starvation ensue, the people have only to hire themselves out as labourers to the white people. The Bishop would certainly never have made representations unsupported by facts; but in any case it is a question whether we had not some further duties towards a large number of innocent people whom we had stripped of all their possessions, and whose homes and crops we had destroyed, than that of allowing them to labour for us at a low rate of wages; or whether the mere fact of its being thus possible for all to keep body and soul together relieved us of the responsibility of having robbed and stripped them.
These facts in themselves prove how different from Lord Carnarvon’s feelings and intentions were those of his subordinate, and how real Sir Garnet’s antagonism. It is not therefore surprising that the commands of the former were not, and have never been, carried out.
CHAPTER VII.
THE MATSHANA INQUIRY AND COLONEL COLLEY.
In consequence of the threatened action for libel against the Bishop of Natal on account of statements made in his defence of Langalibalele, which Mr. John Shepstone considered to be “of a most libellous and malicious nature,” the Bishop had laid the matter before the Lieut.-Governor, Sir B. Pine, requesting him to direct an inquiry to be made into the truth of the said statements. This was refused by His Excellency through the acting Colonial Secretary in the following terms: “Your lordship has thought it right to make the most serious charges against an important and long-tried officer of this Government—charges, too, relating to a matter which occurred sixteen years ago.[47] That officer has, in His Excellency’s opinion, very properly called upon your lordship to retract those charges. Instead of doing this, you have appealed to the Lieut.-Governor to institute an inquiry as to the truth of the charges you have made. This the Lieut.-Governor has no hesitation in declining to do.” Thereby prejudging the case without inquiry.
The Bishop’s next action was an appeal to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, which he requested the Lieut.-Governor to forward with a copy of the correspondence which had already taken place on the subject, in order that His Excellency might be fully aware of what steps he was taking.