History of the Zulu war and its origin

by Frances Ellen Colenso

On the morning after the return of Colonel Glyn’s Column to Rorke’s Drift, “Commandant Lonsdale mustered the Contingent and called out the indunas, and told them in the hearing of all that he wanted to find out the men who were courageous and would stand by their officers and die with them if necessary, and that those who were willing to do this were to come forward. At this time the mounted infantry and volunteers were moving off to Helpmakaar. The general reply of the Contingent was that they were willing to go over to fight along with the white people, their shield against Cetywayo; but that now that they saw their shield going away they would not go over by themselves, and that no one could say he was not afraid.”[153]

“They were then dismissed, but in the afternoon they were all disarmed (of their guns), and their belts and puggaries and blankets taken from them by their officers. Each company had a flag, which they asked to take home with them; some were allowed to do so, but others were not. They were then all told to go home, and to keep together till they reached the Umsinga, and then to divide each for his own home.”

On January 24th, Colonel Glyn wrote to Lord Chelmsford: “The whole of the Native Contingent walked off this morning. Their rifles were taken from them; all the hospital-bearers then went, and now the Native Pioneers are going. I am now left without any natives.” The General immediately forwarded Colonel Glyn’s letter to Sir Henry Bulwer, with the remark: “Unless these men are at once ordered back to their regiments, or punished for refusing to go, the most serious consequences will ensue” (ibid. p. 3).

Sir Henry Bulwer very properly abstained from taking any strong measures as to punishing the men until he had inquired into the causes which led to their desertion. Eventually, indeed, he discovered that most of them had not deserted at all, but had been disbanded by their leader, Commandant Lonsdale. But meanwhile there was a great deal to be said, and on January 29th Sir Henry writes, pointing out that “the great disaster which happened to our force at Isandhlwana Camp on the 22nd inst., the circumstances under which these men passed the night of the 22nd, and the retirement of the remainder of the column on Rorke’s Drift and back into Natal, were all calculated to have their effect on the natives who belonged to this column;” and proceeds: “I am told, too, that whilst the European force at Rorke’s Drift on the night of the 23rd were entrenched, the Native Contingent was not entrenched; and further I am told that, on an alarm being given that night, the European officers and non-commissioned officers who were with the Native Contingent left their men and took refuge within the entrenchments. On the following morning, the 24th, the General and his staff left the camp; and this circumstance, those acquainted with the native character tell me, may very probably have had a further depressing effect upon the natives.”—(P. P. [C. 2318] p. 4).

On February 7th, Sir Henry Bulwer writes again that he has received answers from the magistrates whom he had directed to make inquiries into the causes of the dispersion of the men. These reports speak of the cheerful spirit and loyal tone of the chiefs, and of very many of the men having reported themselves to their magistrates on their return from the front. The accounts given by the different magistrates are unanimous as to the causes of the dispersion. Some of the men declared that officers of the Contingent told them to return home and await further orders, as provisions were short; others, to use their own words, said: “We saw that the Government was driven out of Zululand, and the wind blew us back also.” They thought also that the Commander-in-Chiefs hasty departure from Rorke’s Drift was a flight from the enemy. Another reason for their retreat, and to them a very strong one, was the necessity of going home and performing the rights of purifying after shedding blood.[154] It was also stated that some of them were led by their officers in their retreat. Others saw their officers killed, were left without control, and fled. Their friends were now laughing at them, and they were eager to return to the front under proper guidance.

These, indeed, were ample explanations for the fact of the dispersion of the 3rd Regiment Natal Native Contingent, but they were followed by many and serious complaints, made by the men and reported by the magistrates, of the manner in which the former had been treated since the campaign began. These complaints comprised insufficiency of food, floggings for disobedience to orders which they had either never heard, or had not understood, and bad officers.[155] These were the most important items, the rest referring to their preference for their own methods of fighting, to which, as we have already shown, there were the strongest objections.

These reports referred solely to the contingent attached to Colonel Glyn’s column, with the exception of one, which was concerning the remnant of the Zikali men, escaped from Isandhlwana.

It was finally decided that the men of the contingents belonging to No. 1 Column might “be allowed to leave in batches, but they must be made to understand that they are required for the defence of Natal.” (P. P. [C. 2260] p. 22.) The contingent forming No. 2 Column remained steadily serving throughout the war. Major Bengough’s battalion had a narrow escape of sharing in the disaster of Isandhlwana, and the men were somewhat shaken and disheartened at seeing the contingent of No. 3 Column dispersing; but this ill-effect soon passed away.

Colonel Pearson’s remarks on the company of Native Pioneers belonging to his column are concise and valuable. He says: “The men worked cheerfully. They had eyes like hawks, and they did all their scouting to perfection. It convinced me that the Natal Zulus, under proper management, would make excellent troops.”