The pursuit was taken up by the mounted men under Colonel Buller, and continued for seven miles, “killing great numbers, the enemy being too exhausted to fire in their own defence” (vide Colonel Wood’s despatch of March 30th). All agreed in admiring the pluck of the Zulus, who, “under tremendous fire, never wavered, but came straight at us.”
The loss of No. 4 Column was 2 officers killed, 5 wounded, and 80 men killed and wounded. The strength of the enemy was thought to be about 20,000, of whom 1000 are supposed to have been killed. Colonel Wood’s operations at Indhlobane were for the purpose of “making demonstrations against the enemy,” as directed by the General, who had reason to believe at that time, that he should find the whole Zulu army between his force and Etshowe. (P. P. [C. 2367] p. 35.) One trooper, a Frenchman named Grandier, had a very remarkable escape from Indhlobane, of which the following is his account: On coming down the mountain we were met by a large Zulu force, and fell back across the neck assailed on all sides. I was about the last, having put a comrade on my horse whilst I ran alongside, when a Kafir caught me by the legs, and I was made prisoner. I was taken to Umbilini’s kraal and questioned; after which, I passed the night tied to a tree. Next day I was taken into the middle of a large “impi,” where I was threatened with death, but the leader said he would send me to Cetywayo. Next day I started for Ulundi, in charge of four men, who were riding, but I had all my clothes taken from me, and had to walk, carrying their food. On the evening of the fourth day we reached Ulundi, and I was kept tied in the open till about noon next day, when Cetywayo sent for me, and questioned me about what the English wanted, where Shepstone was, etc. A Dutchman acted as interpreter, and I saw a Portuguese, and an English-speaking Zulu, who could read.[162] Cetywayo had a personal guard of about one hundred men, but I did not see any large numbers of men at his kraal, but there were two small cannons there. During my stay I was fed on mealies, and frequently beaten. At last messengers arrived reporting the death of Umbilini, and Cetywayo said he would send me to his Kafirs to kill. On 13th April I started in charge of two Kafirs, one armed with a gun and both with assegais. About midday we were lying down, the Kafirs being sleepy, when I seized an assegai and killed the man with the gun, the other running away. I walked all night guided by the stars; next day I saw an impi driving cattle towards Ulundi, so had to lie still. After this I saw no Kafirs, and walked on at night. On the morning of the 16th I met some of our own people and was brought into camp. Trooper Grandier, when brought in, was dressed in an old corduroy coat, cut with assegai stabs, and a pair of regimental trousers cut off at the knee; these he had picked up on the Veldt. He had strips of cloth round his feet.
The independent chief Umbilini, who was such a thorn in the side of the Transvaal, was killed early in April. Small parties had raided into the Pongolo Valley from Indhlobane, opposite Luneburg, until they were said to number some hundreds, when they came upon two companies of the 2-24th on the march; these at once laagered, and the enemy moved on; Umbilini, Assegai’s son, and four horsemen, going back with twenty horses. They were pursued by Captain Prior, 80th Regiment, with seven mounted men (80th), and another European, when Assegai’s son was killed, and Umbilini mortally wounded.
The raiders were attacked by some parties of natives, but went off to the Assegai River with several beasts and sheep.—(P. P. [C. 2374] p. 51).
Meanwhile, many attempts were made by the Zulu king to arrest the tide of invasion, and to bring about a more peaceable solution of the difficulties between him and the English Government.
When Lord Chelmsford first crossed into Zululand, messengers were sent by the king to the column on the Lower Tugela asking for an explanation of the invasion, suggesting that hostilities should be suspended, that the British troops should re-cross the Tugela, and that talking should commence.[163] These men did not return to the king, but remained at the Lower Tugela, Sir Bartle Frere says by their own desire, since they dared not return with an unsatisfactory answer.
And Bishop Schreuder narrates on March 3rd that—“Two Zulus arrived here yesterday with a message from the king.... The king says: ‘Look here, I have taken care of the deserted mission stations, and not allowed them to be destroyed, thinking that the missionaries in time would return to them, such as Mr. Robertson’s at Kwamagwaza, and Oftibro’s at Ekhowe, but we now see what use the missionaries make of the station-houses; Robertson has come with an impi (army) to the Ekhowe mission station, and there has made a fort of it, the houses being turned to advantage for our enemies. Seeing this, my people have of their own accord destroyed the other mission stations; and although I have not ordered this destruction, still I cannot complain of it, seeing that the houses on the stations will serve as a shelter for our present invading enemy. I am in a fix what to do with your station Entumeni, for it is reported ... that the column at Miltongambill is to ... march to Entumeni, turn the station into a fort, like Robertson has had the Ekhowe turned into a fort. In that case I will, much against my wish, be obliged to destroy the house at Entumeni, as a matter of self-protection, the last thing I ever thought of doing, as I have no grudge against you or your station.’ This is the substance of the king’s message to me with respect to my station, Entumeni; it, therefore, now will entirely depend on the decision of the General Lord Chelmsford, whether the Entumeni station-houses are to be destroyed or not.” Bishop Schreuder says: “The messengers also report that the king has sent, through a certain Ikolwa Klass (not known to me), that copy of Sir T. Shepstone’s report which I, on behalf of the Natal Government, handed over to him from Her Majesty Queen Victoria, August, 1875.
“Already Umavumendaba had requested the king to send that book with the deputation that met at Tugela, 11th December, 1878, in order that there might be proved from that book wherein the king had sinned, since the English had put forth such warlike demonstrations; but Umavumendaba’s request was not then acceded to. The king now sends this book that from the contents of it may be proved wherein he has broken the compact made at his installation, 1st September, 1875” [1873].—(P.P. [C. 2318] pp. 35-37).
Bishop Schreuder requested Mr. Fannin, the border agent, “to receive the message from the messenger’s own lips, and communicate it to His Excellency.” He reported that Cetshwayo wished to explain to the Government that he had never desired war. He had not, he said, refused the terms proposed at the Lower Tugela; he had collected 1000 head of cattle to pay the demand made on him, and would even have delivered up Sihayo’s sons to the General, but “any Zulu that showed himself was immediately fired upon.” The attack upon Sandhlwana, he protested, was not made by his orders, and his induna was in disgrace for having made it. As regards Inyezane, the king contended that Colonel Pearson provoked the attack made on him by burning kraals, and committing other acts of hostility. He asked that both sides should put aside their arms, and resume negotiations with a view to a permanent settlement of all questions between himself and the Government. He would, he said, have sent in a message some time since, but was afraid, because the last time, when he sent eight messengers to the Lower Tugela, they were detained, whom he now begged might be sent back to him (ibid. pp. 40, 41).
Mr. Fannin, on the 22nd March, reports the arrival of the messengers with the book, and says: “Cetywayo sends by the messengers the book containing the laws promulgated at the time of his coronation, and presented to him by Her Majesty the Queen.