Parish life in mediæval England

by Francis Aidan Gasquet

In the account of the “Building of Bodmin Church” in the fifteenth century we have an example of the working of this guild system. Every one appears to have given according to his means, and even generously. There were personal gifts, like that of an “hold woman,” who gave 3s. 2½d.; and another woman, in addition to her subscription, sold her “crokk for 20d.” and gave the money to the Church. But the success of the enterprise evidently is to be attributed to the guilds which existed at that time in great numbers and in a most flourishing state in Bodmin. “Religious life,” we are told, “permeated society, particularly in the fifteenth century.” In Bodmin at that time almost every inhabitant seems to have been included in one or other of the many fraternities. Indeed, the spirit of association seems to have been so strong at this time that various groups of people joined themselves together for the purpose of making a common gift. In this way we read that “the young maidens of Fore Street and Bore Street” gave a common subscription in addition to the sums received from the Guild of Virgins in the same streets.

These interesting accounts also give the names of no fewer than forty guilds, all more or less connected with the parish church of Bodmin. Of these, five are trade guilds: the skinners and glovers under the patronage of St. Petroc; the smiths under St. Dunstan and St. Eloy; the cordwainers under St. Anian; the millers under St. Martin; and the tailors and drapers under St. John the Baptist. All the rest of these fraternities “were,” says the editor of these accounts, “established for social and religious objects, for the glory of God and the good of man.” For the “wax gathering,” money was received from (1) the Guild of St. David in “forestreet;” (2) St. Luke; (3) St. Michael; (4) Holy Trinity; (5) St. Leodgarius; (6) St. Clare; (7) St. Gregory, Pope; (8) St. Thomas; (9) B. V. Mary in the porch of the church; (10) Holy Trinity; (11) St. Katherine; (12) St. Anian; (13) St. Stephen; (14) St. Mary Magdalene; (15) St. James; (16) Holy Cross; (17) B. V. Mary in the chancel; (18) B. V. Mary in the chapel of St. Gregory; (19) St. Loy; (20) St. Petroc; (21) St. John; (22) St. Thomas “in Church hay;” (23) Corpus Christi.

One purpose of distinct utility to the parish, which was served by the guilds, was the provision of additional priests for the services of the church. In this they had the same object as the founders of chantries had in establishing them. Thus, to take an example, in the “Chantry Certificates” for Suffolk the purpose of the Guild of the Holy Ghost at Beccles is stated to have been to keep a priest “to celebrate in the church,” to “pay the tithes, fifteenths and other taxes,” and to contribute 40s. a year to the poor. A note appended says that “Beccles is a great and populous town” of “800 houseling” people, and “the said priest is aiding unto the curate there, who without help is not able to discharge the said cure. The said Guild is erected of devotion.” So, too, to take another example, in the parish of Bingham, in Nottinghamshire, there was “a guild of our Lady to maintain a priest;” and the Palmer’s Guild of Ludlow, sometimes called the “Fraternity of St John,” which was maintained partly by endowments of land and partly through the donations of its members, maintained no fewer than ten priests out of its funds.

In reality there is hardly any good and useful purpose which can be imagined, religious or social, to which some mediæval guild or other was not devoted. Mr. Toulmin Smith, after examination of the documents relating to these fraternities, has enumerated the following as objects for which they were founded, or at any rate worked: (1) relief in poverty—a very general object; (2) sickness; (3) old age; (4) loss of sight; (5) loss of limb; (6) loss of cattle; (7) on fall of house; (8) in making pilgrimages; (9) loss by fire; (10) loss by flood; (11) loss by robbery; (12) shipwreck; (13) imprisonment; (14) aid in pecuniary difficulties; (15) aid to obtain work; (16) defending in law; (17) relief to deaf and dumb; (18) relief for leprosy; (19) dowry on marriage or on entry into religious house; (20) repairs of roads and bridges; (21) repairs of churches; (22) burial of the dead.

Mr. Thorold Rogers, in his Economic Interpretation of History, says of the Guilds that—

“they were well-nigh universal, though they were unchartered and informal. Their prosperity was derived from grants or charges on land or houses made for the purpose of securing the continuance of a religious office, much appreciated and exceeding common in the period of English social history which precedes the Reformation, prayers or Masses for the dead.

“The ancient tenements, which are still the property of the London companies, were originally burdened with Masses for donors. In the country the parochial clergy undertook the services of these chantries.... The establishment of a Mass or chantry priest at a fixed stipend, in a church with which he had no other relation, was a common form of endowment. The residue, if any, of the revenue derivable from these tenements was made the common property of the Guild, and as the continuity of the service was the great object of its establishment, the donor, like the modern trustee of a life income, took care that there should be a surplus from the foundation. The land or house was let, and the Guild consented to find the ministration which formed the motive of the grant.”

This is very true, but it may be questioned whether Mr. Thorold Rogers appreciated the extent to which these chantry funds were intended to be devoted to purposes other than the performance of the specified religious services. Certainly writers generally have treated the question of the chantries as if they had no object but the keeping of obits or anniversary services for the original founder and his kin. To show what really was the case, it may be well to take a couple of instances in Hampshire. In connection with the parish church of Alton in the sixteenth century there were six obits or chantries. The following is the account of these which I take from the Chantry Certificates made by the King’s Commissioners in the first year of the reign of Edward VI.:—

“(1) Issues of land for an obit for John Pigott; growing and coming out of certain houses and lands in Alton, for to maintain for ever a yearly obit there, in the tenure of Thomas Mathew of the yearly value of 23s. 4d. Whereof to the poor 15s. 4d., to the priest and his clerk 8s.: (2) The same for an obit for William Reding of the annual value of 15s., of which the poor were to have 10s. and the priest and his clerk 5s.: (3) The same for Alice Hacker of the yearly value of 10s., of which the poor were to get 7s. 8d. and the priest 2s. 4d.: (4) Another of the value of 4s., the poor getting 2s. 10d. and the priest 1s. 2d.: (5) Another for the soul of Nicholas Bailey, worth annually 11s., and of this 7s. 8d. was intended for the poor and 3s. 4d. for the clergy: (6) Another for Nicholas Crushelow worth 4s. 4d., the poor getting 3s. 1d. and the priest 1s. 3d.”

That is to say, out of a total of 77s. 8d. the poor were to get 46s. 7d., and only 31s. 1d. was devoted to the ecclesiastical services connected with the obits of Alton. Or, if we take the value of money in those days as being only twelve times that of our present money, out of a total of £36 12s. some £27 19s. went to support the poor.