Fifty Years of Freedom / with matters of vital importance to both the white and colored people of the United States

by Francis J. Grimké

"Jehovah, how are mine enemies increased!

Many are they that rise up against me."

But he comforted himself with the thought,

"But thou, O Jehovah, art a shield about me;

My glory and the lifter up of my head."

And we may find comfort in the same thought. Let this new half century be one of abounding trust in God; let us more and more accustom ourselves to dwell in the secret place of the Most High, under the shadow of the Almighty.

II. In leaving this first half century of freedom and in entering upon the second half, a word also ought to be said to the white people of the country. There are four things that I want to say to them:

(1). I want to remind them of the fact that we came here originally through no volition of our own. We were brought here against our will, and brought here for purely selfish purposes, to serve their interest. We are not responsible for being here—the responsibility is with the white race. That fact ought to be remembered by them. If our presence in this country is undesirable, as is frequently alleged, it is not for the white man to set that up as an excuse or justification for ill-treating us. If it had not been for their selfishness we would not be here. If our presence here is an evil, they are not the ones to complain, they at least, ought to be willing quietly to accept it as it is an evil of their own making. This is one of the things that has always seemed to me to render the treatment of the Negro by the white man particularly contemptible. After forcing him away from his home against his will; and after getting out of him all that he could without compensation, when that is no longer possible, then to turn upon him and tell him to get out, that he is no longer wanted, is conduct of which even savages ought to be ashamed. Whenever you are tempted to ill-treat the colored man, to deny him a man's chance in the race of life, remember that you brought him here, and that the least that you can do, the least that you owe him, is to treat him decently, humanely.

(2). I want to say, that for two hundred and fifty years you had our unrequited toil; we tilled your soil, we gathered your crops, we cut down your forests, we built your houses, made your clothes, worked for you in manifold ways. We worked for you in the days of slavery, and you seemed satisfied with our labor; why do you withhold your work from us now? Why do you now shut us out of employment? We are just as able, and just as willing to work now as then. Work is what we need; work is what we must have if we are to support ourselves in decency, if we are to live honestly and honorably. You are bound by every consideration of justice, of fair play, to make a place for us, to give us the same chance that is given to others to support themselves and their families. For two hundred and fifty years we worked for you, as your slaves; are you unwilling to help us now that we are free and are working for ourselves? You, who brought us here; you, who are responsible for our presence here, ought to want to encourage us to be industrious, to be self-respecting.

(3). I want to remind you of the fact that we are now free; that we are American citizens; that under the laws we are entitled to the same rights and privileges as yourselves. Slavery no longer exists in this country—all are now free men. What is freedom to mean to us? Why were we made free? Why were the fetters stricken from our limbs? Why were we made citizens? Why have schools been provided for our intellectual development? Why emancipation at all, if we are not to have the same chance as other freemen? What is the value of freedom if it doesn't carry with it the guarantee of protection in the enjoyment of all rights that are common to all citizens? Is freedom to mean one thing to the white man, and another thing to the colored man? Freedom and citizenship cannot mean one thing to a white man and another to a black man in a republic without creating needless and endless trouble; and without in the end destroying the spirit that is essential to the perpetuity of republican or democratic institutions. Is it wise? Is it consistent? Is it the part of true patriotism to continue longer to make invidious distinctions between citizens who must forever live side by side, and upon the mutual co-operation and sympathy of whom, the welfare and happiness of the whole will depend? Is it wise to encourage, to help fan the flame of race prejudice from which no good can possibly come, but only evil, and evil more and more as it is encouraged? Isn't it a great deal better to use a little common sense, now that we are here, now that we are here to stay, now that we are free, now that we are citizens, to recognize us as such, and to accord to us the same treatment as is accorded to others? One thing you may be assured of, we will never be satisfied with anything less. Unless these rights be conceded; unless we be treated as we have a right to expect you to treat us, this friction, which is doing so much to demoralize the whole country, will continue. Is it not better for the thoughtful, sane, sober, right-thinking men and women among you to call a halt to those, who, keeping the humiliation of the Negro before them as their chief aim, are willing to sacrifice everything else to it? The humiliation of the Negro; the hedging of him about with degrading restrictions; the forcing him down into a position of subordination, of inferiority, even if you should succeed in doing it, after all, is it worth the price that must be paid; that you are paying? The policy of giving the Negro a man's chance in the Republic; of treating him with the same consideration as others are treated, has vastly more good in it for the Republic than the measure of repression, of enforced subordination, of invidious distinctions upon which you are now insisting. Such a policy will make the Negro forget that he is a Negro, and will lead him to think of himself simply as an American citizen; will stimulate his patriotism; will render it no longer necessary for him to be particularly concerned about race interests, but will leave him free to be concerned about those interests which are common to all the people. Such a policy will also set free for higher and nobler uses all the ability, the energy, the resources that are now being expended in efforts to keep the Negro down and which will be of incalculable benefit to the Nation. Think of how much time, how much thought, how much energy are used up in this needless race friction, and how much the Nation is losing by this misuse of valuable time, thought, energy! If you, who are fighting the Negro,—you who are determined to reduce him to a pariah class, would only turn your thought and energy towards upbuilding the Republic—materially, intellectually, morally, spiritually,—towards fighting those evils that are really endangering the Republic,—greed, corruption, impurity, lawlessness, intemperance, how much more valuable your services would be. There never was a time when the Republic needed your services more than if does to-day, in harmonizing the elements of its population, in encouraging a spirit of fraternity, of brotherhood. It is not the function of a patriot, of a lover of his country to array class against class, race against race; that is the role of the demagogue, the low panderer to passion and prejudice for selfish ends. This race friction ought to cease; and it will cease if you will do the right thing; if you will listen to reason and common sense. It is not the Negro that is keeping up the friction, but the white man.