One of the most characteristic anecdotes of General Jackson relates to the late difficulties between the Governments of the United States and France, when the King of the French seemed to insist on an apology from the President. This, as is well known, General Jackson peremptorily refused; and accordingly a cabinet council was convened in Washington, in which every member delivered his opinion according to his own manner, General Jackson listening to all with the utmost patience. There was the Secretary of State, not knowing how far a war with France would be supported by the people of the different States; the Secretary of the Treasury was already computing the deficit in the budget; the Secretary of the Navy thought it his duty to observe that the naval force of the United States was hardly capable of coping with that of the French; and at last came the Secretary of War, who alluded to the state of the army, a great portion of which was absorbed by the Indian campaign. General Jackson remained immoveable. At last, when every one had finished, he rose; and, placing his hand with some violence on the table, said in a solemn and firm voice: “We have obtained judgment against the French King; and, by the Eternal! we must sue out the execution!”—“But what if we meet with reverses? The French will cut off our commerce; they will arm privateers against our merchantmen; and what if they attempt a landing?”—“That’s precisely the thing they will attempt,” observed General Jackson calmly; “and you may depend upon it we will give them a good drubbing.” This anecdote gave rise to a caricature, representing a French army, led by the Gallic cock, swimming across the Atlantic; and General Jackson standing on the American shore with his cane drawn, and a numerous staff behind him, expecting their arrival. Another caricature, drawn after the settlement, representing General Jackson holding in his left hand a bag of money, with the figures 25,000,000 written on it, and in his right hand a cane, which he is shaking at Louis Philippe, with the words to his mouth, “’Tis well that you paid me, or, by the Eternal!” to which the King is represented bowing, and saying, “Not another word of apology, my dear General!” has already been mentioned in another work.
The following fact, which was related to me by Mr. Power, an American sculptor of much merit, now at Florence, is yet deserving a place in my note-book. When Mr. Power was last in Washington to take a bust of General Jackson, a friend observed to the artist that it would be impossible for him to give the right expression to the mouth, the General having lost his front teeth, which destroyed the expression of firmness about his lips; and that he had therefore better try to persuade the General to wear false teeth for one or two sittings. The artist, grateful for the hint, did not omit to ask General Jackson in a truly Western manner (Mr. Power was born and brought up in Cincinnati) whether he had ever worn false teeth? “I have,” said the General; “but I am sorry for it.”—“But had you not better put them in once more, to give me an opportunity of modelling the mouth; it would greatly enhance the effect.”—“The truth, sir! the whole truth, and nothing: but the truth!” exclaimed the General with a stern voice; “you have no right to represent me otherwise than I am.”
What simplicity of character! and yet what energy and perseverance!
We drove from the White-house towards Georgetown; stopping at one of the houses, called “The Seven Buildings.” This was the dwelling of the Vice-President. My friend gave both our names, and in a moment after we were admitted into the presence of Mr. Van Buren. He received us in the same manner as General Jackson, only with less solemnity. His conversation was rapid, but concise and logical; his voice calm and steady, and his manners those of a perfect courtier. Understanding that I was a German, he introduced the subject of travelling, which gave him an opportunity of comparing the scenery on the Rhine with that of the Hudson, and pointing out the distinct beauties of each; which he did with more taste and less affectation than I had yet heard from an American when speaking of foreign countries. He gave the preference to his native river, and supported his opinion with such forcible arguments that he converted me to his doctrine. He then drew a parallel between the state of Europe and that of the United States; pointing to the advantages of the latter, to their government, the manners and customs of the people, and to their happiness. All this he did with so much gentleness, with such an entire absence of conceit, and such admirable management of terms, that it was impossible either to resist his eloquence or to be offended with his conclusions.
Our visit was interrupted by the arrival of several Western members, who, being alarmed at General Jackson’s message in relation to the differences with France, desired to know whether it was the Vice-President’s opinion that France would pay “without having a tug for it.” Mr. Van Buren, without being for one moment embarrassed by this abrupt question, instead of an answer, took up a British periodical, the name of which I do not now recollect, but which treated the French-American question in a very sensible manner. From this he read to the members several passages, which expressed themselves favourably to General Jackson’s policy; and at last the conclusion, which ran thus, “Jonathan has claimed the money, and Jonathan will have it.” The members were delighted; and the conversation then passed to other topics. I mention this as an instance of Mr. Van Buren’s tact, a quality full as indispensable to a statesman as a sound knowledge of politics.
“Well, and what do you think of our Vice-President?” asked my friend, as we were driving towards the lodgings of Mr. John C. Calhoun.
“I have certainly left him with the highest respect for his mind and character.”
“And yet, sir! there are those who call him an intrigant, a ‘little magician,’ a ‘non-committal man,’ &c. though there is not one man in the country whose attachment to the democratic cause is better known or understood. The firmness of a man’s political principles is, in this country at least, always commensurate with the degree of abuse heaped upon him by the opposite party. Our people, I mean ‘the higher and better informed classes,’ are seldom inexorable with regard to a politician holding out some chances of conversion; but let a man’s character be established, and there is no end to their vituperation. This has happened to Mr. Van Buren, and ought to be considered by every democrat as a pledge of his fidelity.
“What act of Mr. Van Buren has ever had any other than democratic tendency? What principle did he ever advocate that was not strictly conformable to that doctrine? If he be a non-committal man, it must be that he never committed himself to his enemies.