Cromwell had formerly found among them a few of his most useful agents, but they began to distrust him. The Lord had delivered into the hands of His servants all their enemies. Meanwhile, they continued to live upon good terms with the "delinquents," even with the greatest of all, who had been permitted to establish himself at Hampton Court, where he was served with idolatrous pomp. His most dangerous councillors were allowed to approach him, and the generals themselves saw them frequently. Rumors were in circulation at the meetings of the soldiers, and Lilburne, still indomitable even in the prison in which the Upper House had caused him to be incarcerated on account of his pamphlets, wrote to Cromwell, "If you despise my warnings as you have hitherto done, know that I will set forth against you all that I have of strength and influence, in order to produce changes in your fortune, which will be very little to your liking."
Cromwell did not remain insensible to all these tokens. He begged the king that he would place their relations under more reserve. "As I am an honest man," he said, "I have said enough to convince his Majesty of the sincerity of my intentions, otherwise nothing will suffice." But with an increase of prudence, the relations of Cromwell with the king did not become less active. The great and firm mind of the general doubted the success of the republicans; the desires of the enthusiasts appeared to him chimerical, and his genius was irritated by disorder. Charles lavished promises, more personal now than political or general. To Ireton was offered the command of Ireland, to Cromwell the command of the armies, the Order of the Garter, and the title of Earl of Essex. Silence was not maintained throughout as to these negotiations, and rumors of them reached the army, every day more resentful and defiant. Two great Scottish noblemen, Lord Lauderdale and Lord Lanark, arrived at Hampton Court, to urge the king once more to unite himself finally with the Presbyterians and the Scotch, who alone were sincere in the desire of saving him. This, for the duplicity natural to Charles, was a new power. Everything was made known in the council of the agitators. The soldiers separated themselves from their leaders. A few officers and members of the Commons placed themselves at their head. It was announced that a Scotch army was about to march to the aid of the king; the English cavaliers were preparing an insurrection. Cromwell became more and more perplexed. All his skill did not suffice to divine the schemes of the king. He saw the army, the instrument upon which he had counted, upon the point of slipping from his grasp. The day had come for adopting a final course of action.
It was the king himself who caused the scale to incline towards his ruin. Cromwell had been informed by one of the spies whom he kept at Hampton Court, that a confidential letter from the king to the queen was to be forwarded concealed in a saddle which a man who was not in the secret would carry upon his head. At the time indicated, Cromwell and Ireton, clad like simple troopers, were at the Blue Boar Inn, in Holborn, awaiting the messenger. He appeared; both issued forth sword in hand, seized the saddle, broke open the sides, took therefrom the letter, then returned the saddle to the messenger, saying to him in a good-humored tone that he was a worthy fellow, and that he might proceed on his way.
The letter was indeed confidential. Charles had written to the queen that the two factions were courting him equally, and that he thought of treating rather with the Scotch Presbyterians than with the army. "Besides," he said, "rest entirely easy as to whatever concessions I shall make them, for I shall know in due time how to deal with the rogues, who, instead of a silken garter, shall be fitted with a hempen cord." The two generals eyed each other, and, with all their distrust thus confirmed, they immediately departed on their return to their quarters at Windsor, henceforth without uncertainty regarding their designs towards the king and his belongings.
It was time that their policy should cease to be embarrassed and undecided. The wrath of the enthusiasts was bursting forth. On the 9th of October, five regiments of cavalry, among which figured that of Cromwell himself, caused to be drawn up by fresh agitators, under the name of "Situation of the Army," a long declaration of their principles and demands, which was presented to the general. On the 1st of November, a second pamphlet, entitled "Agreement of the People," was addressed to the whole nation in the name of the sixteen regiments. In each paper the soldiers accused the officers of treason and the Houses of extortion. The most senseless and most anarchical theories were mingled with a few noble ideas. No more royalty and no more Upper House; the House of Commons alone to be elected for two years. Such was the abstract of the popular demands which threw the leaders into agitation and uneasiness. The two Houses voted prosecutions against the authors of the pamphlets, but at the same time decided that the king was obliged to accept all that Parliament proposed. The committee of officers was compelled to promise the agitators that the question of the preservation of the royal office should be freely discussed at a general meeting of the army, which would then be able collectively to display its sentiments.
When the day fixed upon arrived (November the 6th), all discussion was prohibited. The officers and agitators received orders to return to their regiments. Three partial meetings were appointed in the cantonments of the principal corps. Meanwhile the council of officers was to suspend its sittings, to allow the general and Parliament to act alone. Cromwell had decided on his course. He had determined not to be separated from the army, or to allow it to be destroyed by disunion and want of discipline. The soldiers desired to have no more to do with the king. That man alone could dispose of their obedience and their power, who would accept their common will and make himself its executor. Cromwell was resolved to be that man.