Nor was there wanting another condition, also essential, to the legitimate character of the insurrection of the English colonies. They had a reasonable chance of success.
No vigorous hand, at that time, had the management of public affairs in England. The cabinet of Lord North was not remarkable for talent or generosity of feeling. The only eminent man in the country, Lord Chatham, was in the opposition.
The times of extreme tyranny had gone by. Proscriptions, judicial and military cruelties, a general and systematic laying waste of the country; all those terrible measures, those atrocious sufferings, which a little while before in the heart of Europe, in a cause equally just, had been inflicted upon the Hollanders, would not have been tolerated in the eighteenth century, by the spectators of the American contest, and, indeed, were never thought of by those who were the most fiercely engaged in it. On the contrary, a powerful party was formed, and eloquent voices were constantly lifted up, in the British Parliament itself, in support of the colonies and of their rights. This is the glory and distinction of a representative government, that it insures to every cause its champions, and brings even into the arena of politics those defences, which were instituted for the sanctuary of the laws.
Europe, moreover, could not be a passive spectator of such a struggle. Two great powers, France and Spain, had serious losses and recent injuries in America itself, to avenge upon England. Two powers, whose greatness was of recent growth, Russia and Prussia, displayed in favor of liberal opinions a sympathy which was enlightened, though a little ostentatious, and showed themselves disposed to seize the occasion of bringing discredit upon England, or of injuring her, in the name of liberty itself. A republic, formerly glorious and formidable, still rich and honored, Holland, could not fail to assist America, against her ancient rival, with her capital, and her credit. Finally, among the powers of an inferior rank, all those whose situation rendered the maritime supremacy of England odious or injurious to them, could not but feel in favor of the new state a good will; timid, perhaps, and without immediate effect, but still useful and encouraging.
By the rarest good fortune, at that time every thing united and acted in concert in favor of the insurgent colonies. Their cause was just, their strength already great, and their characters marked by prudence and morality. Upon their own soil, laws and manners, old facts and modern opinions, united in sustaining and animating them in their purpose. Great alliances were preparing for them in Europe. Even in the councils of the hostile mother country, they had powerful support. Never, in the history of human societies, had any new and contested right received so much favor, and engaged in the strife with so many chances of success.
Still by how many obstacles was this undertaking opposed! What efforts and sacrifices did it cost to the generation which was charged with the duty of accomplishing it! How many times did it appear to be, and indeed really was, on the point of being utterly defeated!
In the country itself, among the people in appearance and sometimes in reality so unanimous, independence, when once declared, soon met numerous and active adversaries. In 1775, hardly had the first guns been fired at Lexington, when, in the midst of the general enthusiasm, a company of Connecticut troops was requisite in New York to sustain the republican party against the Tories or Loyalists, a name which the partisans of the mother country had proudly adopted. [Footnote 11] In 1775, New York sent important supplies to the English army under the orders of General Gage. [Footnote 12]
[Footnote 11: Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. II. p. 187.]