§ 5. #Statistics of labor organization.# The ratio of organized workers to the population is estimated (figures for 1910) to be highest in the United Kingdom, being nearly 7 per cent; it is next highest in the German Empire, being nearly 6 per cent; whereas, in the United States, it is but 2.3 per cent. This difference is largely due to the much greater relative importance of agriculture in the United States.
The total membership of trade unions in the United States and Canada is estimated to have been in 1910 about 2,200,000, of which only about 100,000 were in Canada. This was 5.5 per cent of all persons (38,130,000) gainfully employed, or 6.8 per cent of male employees, and 9 per cent of female employees. Organization was very weak (less than 1 per cent) among the workers in a group of industries occupying nearly one-half of all workers, including agriculture, the hand trades, oil and natural gas, salt, and rubber factories. Organization was not of large extent (1 to 10 per cent) in other groups of industries occupying more than one fourth of all workers, including those engaged in producing quarried stone, food stuffs, iron and steel, metal, paper and pulp, stationary engineers, in public, professional, and domestic service, and in clerical work. Organization was of much greater strength, including 10 per cent or more of the workers, in the remaining industries and occupations.
If deduction be made of the employing and salaried classes, about 7.7 per cent of all persons occupied were organized. If, further, deduction be made of agricultural, clerical, publicly employed, commercial and domestic workers, about 16 per cent of the remaining 13,760,000 persons are organized (of women 3.7 per cent). Among the occupations most highly organized are those of railway conductors (87 per cent) and engineers (74 per cent). In the building trades about 16 per cent are organized, of granite cutters 69 per cent, masons 39 per cent, plasterers 32 per cent, carpenters 21 per cent, and painters 17 per cent. Similar striking differences appear among the occupations in the printing industry; of stereotypers 90 per cent are organized and of compositors only 35 per cent. These figures point to inherent differences in the conditions favoring organization. Even in the same craft a high degree of organization may be found in the cities and little or none in the smaller towns (e.g., in the case of the printing and building trades in general).[3]
§ 6. #Collective bargaining.# The fundamental policy of trade unions is the substitution, for the individual wage bargain, of collective bargaining between the delegated representatives of the working men and the employer, or group of employers, or their representatives. The wage-earners bargaining collectively may be those of a single establishment, or of a group of establishments in the same locality, or of a wider territory even national in extent. Accordingly, they are represented in the negotiations by trade-union officials with narrower or wider jurisdiction. Employers in some cases had tacit understandings with each other before laborers were organized. But in many cases the individual employer was at a marked disadvantage after the organization of his employees. The result has been the rapid spread of employers' organizations, so that in industries where laborers are highly organized, two-sided collective bargaining has become more and more usual.
A large part of the effort of trade unions is directed toward ensuring the use of collective bargaining. This is the purpose of many of their demands, even of some that hardly appear to have any such consideration. Collective bargaining practically necessitates the use of "the standard rate," since only with reference to some standard rate, a market price for labor, is it possible for a wage contract to be made by labor officials for a group of men. The standard rate may be a piece price or a time price, and in many cases the unions strive to secure the latter as more convenient for their purposes. The standard time rate usually is but a minimum and many of the more skilful workers receive wages above the minimum. But the standard minimum tends to become also the maximum in many cases, the more so when the union has succeeded in enforcing a pretty high standard rate.
§ 7. #Limitation of competition among workers#. In order that the representatives of organized laborers may act effectively in collective bargaining the first condition necessary is that a large proportion, if not all, of the workers of the trade in the establishments concerned shall be organized. A common sense of wrong is one of the strongest motives to bring workers together, and has prompted the origin of many a local chapter. Then constant and strenuous efforts are made to bring workers into the organized ranks. Experienced organizers knowing all the arts of persuasion devote their whole time to this task, being paid regular salaries. When friendly argument fails, threats may be used and sometimes personal violence. The public opinion and class feeling fostered among members of an organization in times of difficulties are analogous to the sense of patriotism in the nation at large and at times may displace it in the hearts of organized laborers as is seen in opposition to the militia and to the maintenance of order in times of strikes. The most effective of all peaceful methods if petty persecution rising at times to social ostracism. The individual who declines to enter the union is denounced as a traitor to his fellow workers and is made to feel their scorn. The use of the union card to be carried by every member to show whether he is in good standing is an effective way of enforcing these measures. Finally, where all these measures fail, pressure may be brought upon the employer to get him to force unwilling workers into the union.[4]
Further to give control over those working in a trade and to reduce competition among workers, unions often limit the number of apprentices and determine who shall have the privilege of learning the trade. By a variety of regulations they limit the output and in many cases (tho less frequently now) have opposed the use of labor-saving machinery. Further to enforce these policies they seek to have each special kind of work controlled by a special union. This gives rise to disputes between rival unions and causes annoyance and loss to the workers themselves, to the employers, and to the general public.
§ 8. #Strikes in labor disputes.# A strike is a concerted stopping of work by a group of employees to enforce a demand upon the employer. A lockout is an employer's closing of his shop because of a disagreement with his employees. The strike is, in its direct and indirect, immediate and ultimate, effects the most important weapon of the organized wage-earners in their relations with their employers. To newly organized laborers the union appeals mainly as an instrument for striking, for threatening the employer, or for making him suffer to compel him to accede to their demands. The effectiveness of a strike lies in the loss it threatens or occasions in the stopping of machinery, the ruin of materials, the loss of custom, and the failure to complete contracts that have been undertaken.
The employers will often, to break a strike, pay to others for a time more than the current rate of wages. The success of the strikers being dependent on their ability to keep the employer from filling their places, their energies are bent upon that end. The losses that strikes cause to workers in stoppage of wages, to employers and investors in destruction of plant and in suspension of profits, and to the public in the interruption of business, aggregate an enormous sum. The direct losses to employers and strikers in the 20 years between 1881 and 1900 have been estimated to have been nearly $500,000,000, a large sum, but amounting to less than 1 per cent of the wage-earners' incomes. It is, however, impossible to estimate at all exactly losses that in many cases are indirect and intangible. The strikers are concerned in each case not with the balance of total losses and total gains to society as a whole, but with the net gain that they expect to accrue in the long run to themselves. Viewed in this way it is true that there are various indirect benefits in strikes that are not easily calculable, particularly the advances of wages made by employers to avoid strikes which they know will otherwise occur. In regard to the wisdom of any contemplated strike, opinion is always somewhat divided, as it is in regard to the value of strikes in general.
§ 9. #Frequency and causes of strikes#. Strikes were relatively decreasing in number from 1880 to 1900, but from 1901 to 1905 the annual average was more than twice as large as in the preceding decade. On the whole, strikes have been more numerous in periods of business prosperity when there was a better chance to get concessions from the employers. But they occur also in the periods following crises, when the workers seek to minimize cuts in wages and to prevent the depression of working conditions. More broadly viewed, strikes appear to accompany readjustments to dynamic conditions. As wages as a rule rise more slowly than general prices,[5] it was to be expected that the period since 1900, in which the general price level was rising at the rate of about 3 per cent a year, should have been marked by increasing resort to strikes.