Under these circumstances it became advantageous to many citizens, especially those at the center of a town, to have the entire support of the school come through general taxation rather than partially by means of tuition fees. But the people in the more distant portions of the town refused to vote a rate from which they themselves obtained no profit. They demanded that, in return for their taxes, the public school should be Influence of ‘dame’ and private elementary schools and of parishes. brought nearer to them. Probably they were influenced in this stand by the fact that private ‘dame’ schools, and possibly elementary schools, had for some time been opened in various parts of the town conveniently near their homes. Another factor that may have aided in suggesting this solution was the legal recognition of various remote settlements within the town, known as ‘parishes’ or ‘districts,’ through the grant of self-government, separate church organizations, and other privileges similar to those of the town as a whole, though on a smaller scale. At any rate, we find that in the early part of the eighteenth century, wherever a rate was adopted as the sole means of school support, it was agreed that, instead of holding the town school for twelve months in the center alone, opportunities should be offered for a fraction of that period in various portions of the town. Usually the compromise at first took the form of having one town master teach in different districts through the year, and the result was known as a The ‘moving,’ ‘moving’ school. This necessitated holding the school in a number of isolated communities, and the temple of learning often came at first to be located in a private house, usually in the kitchen. And although, in time, another room was added to the farm house for the accommodation of the school, the institution has since then been known as a ‘kitchen school’ ([Fig. 30]). But, by a later development, when separate schools under different masters or mistresses came to be taught at the same time, the ‘divided,’ town school was said to be ‘divided.’ Then in the winter, when the big boys were out of the fields and came to school, the session was held in the center of the town, and usually required the brawn of a man. But in summer, when only the younger children could attend, schools were held in various parts of the town and were taught chiefly by women ([Fig. 31]). The divisions of the town that thus came to be recognized were allowed more and more control of their schools until they practically became autonomous. Before the time of the Revolution ‘divided schools’ were recognized as a regular institution, and, together with other customs that had grown up during the eighteenth century, they were given legal sanction and denominated and ‘district’ schools. ‘district schools’ in the law of 1789. By 1800 the districts were not only allowed to manage their own share of the town taxes, but were authorized to make the levy themselves; in 1817 they were made corporations and empowered to hold property for educational purposes; and in 1827 they were granted the right to choose a committeeman, who should appoint the teacher and have control of the school property.
Thus the year 1827 “marks the culmination of a process which had been going on for more than a century,—the high-water mark of modern democracy, and the low-water mark of the Massachusetts school system.” The district system did in its earlier stages bind the families of a neighborhood into a corporation whose intent was the most vital of human needs,—education, and the people came to feel the necessity of supporting Degeneracy of the district system. it by their own generous contributions. But in the course of time the districts became involved in private and petty political interests, and had but little consideration for the public good. The choice of the committeeman, the site, and the teacher caused much unseemly wrangling, and as each received only what it paid in, the poor district obtained only a weak school and that for but a short term. The increasing expense of the district system had also made it impossible for any except the larger towns to support the old-time ‘grammar’ school, and this part of the old school requirements had fallen into disuse before the close of the eighteenth century. To meet the needs of secondary education, Endowment of academies with public lands. the policy of endowing ‘academies’ ([Fig. 32]) with wild lands in Maine had gradually grown up, and this custom was legalized in 1797. Seven academies,—four in Massachusetts proper and three in the province of Maine, had originally been endowed with a township apiece, and some fourteen more had been chartered by towns at an early date, and empowered by the state to hold educational funds. By the time of the educational awakening there were some fifty of these private secondary High schools not yet influential. institutions subsidized by the state, although managed by a close corporation. The first public high school ([Fig. 41]) had been established in Boston (1821), but this type of secondary school had not begun to have any influence as yet. Into such a decadence had the liberally supported system of public education fallen, before the rapid development in common schools began and the influence of Horace Mann and other reformers was felt.
Fig. 30.—A ‘kitchen school.’
Fig. 31.—A colonial ‘summer school.’
Fig. 32.—The first ‘academy,’ founded by Benjamin Franklin at Philadelphia in 1750, and later developed into the University of Pennsylvania.
Developments in the Other New England States.—The development of common schools in Massachusetts may be considered typical of New England in general, Connecticut, except Rhode Island. Connecticut similarly degenerated into a district system, which was recognized by law in 1794, and was destined later to constitute one of the greatest problems during the period of educational development Vermont, (see [pp. 313] and [320]). Vermont likewise made provision for town and district schools, and eventually established a state school fund and school commissioners, but this legislation was soon repealed, and the schools of the state were in a parlous condition when the awakening New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. found them. New Hampshire and Maine also present very similar features. In Rhode Island the voluntary organization of education continued throughout the eighteenth century. In 1800 a law permitting each town to maintain ‘one or more free schools’ was passed, but no municipality availed itself of this permission, except Providence, and the act was repealed in 1803. The basal state law for common schools was not passed until 1828, when at length $10,000 was appropriated, and each town was required to supplement its share by such an amount as should annually be fixed in town meeting.
The Extension of Educational Organization to the Northwest.—It is thus evident that by the close of the first half century of the republic, there was everywhere slowly growing up a sentiment for public education. Conditions at close of transition period in the Southern The development of common schools had, however, been greatly hindered in the Southern states by the separation of classes in an aristocratic organization of society. Yet the superior class had shown no lack of educational interest in their own behalf and had through the facilities offered reared a group of intellectual leaders, some of whom, like the far-sighted Jefferson, had caught the vision of universal education. The great diversity of and Middle states, nationality and creed in the Middle states, on the other hand, had fostered sectarian jealousies and the traditional practice of the maintenance of its own school by each congregation. This had proved almost as disastrous to the rise of a system of public schools, although Pennsylvania, and even more New York, had well begun the establishment of a public system. In both sections of the country public education was at first viewed as a species of poor relief, and the wealthy were unable to see any justice in being required to educate the children of others. As a result, the young ‘paupers’ at times had their tuition paid in private schools, and these institutions were not infrequently allowed to share in public funds. The New England states, however, as a result as opposed to those in New England. of the homogeneity of their citizens, had early adhered to a system of public schools for all, organized, supported, and supervised by the people. While the efficiency of their common schools was eventually crippled by the grant of autonomy to local districts and the arising of petty private and political interests, they had initiated this unique American product,—a public system for all, dependent upon local support and responsive to local wishes.