At that time was to be elected besides the District Attorney, the Mayor, Supervisors and practically all the other municipal officials.
The old convention system of naming candidates for office still prevailed in San Francisco. However, California had even then entered upon the struggle of throwing off the yoke of machine domination through the convention system of naming candidates. The delegates to the several conventions had, under primary law provisions, to be elected at the polls.
San Francisco was divided upon one issue—that of the Graft Prosecution. The opposition which years of adverse publicity was to develop, did not then confront those who were standing for vigorous prosecution of the corrupters of the municipality. But under the hammering of an adverse press, and the claquer’s systematic belittling, the graft defense had made gains sufficient to give it at least a fighting chance at the polls.
On the side of the defense, too, was the solid support of the powerful Southern Pacific Company, and of the various public service corporations, as well as the purchasable press. On the side of the prosecution stood the people of San Francisco, not yet worn out, nor misled, nor yet alienated from the policy of vigorous prosecution of the corrupters of the municipality. The people recognized that effective continuance of the prosecution required that Mr. Langdon be re-elected.
That the action of the prosecution in making Taylor Mayor, might be endorsed at the polls—thus receiving the stamp of public approval—Mr. Taylor’s election became quite as important as that of Mr. Langdon. The same was true of those of the Taylor-appointed Supervisors who became candidates for election. But the contest waged about the election of Taylor and Langdon.
Such was the issue which confronted San Francisco at the 1907 election.
There was but one issue. There were, however, three prominent political parties, Union Labor, Republican and Democratic. None of the three could be called the prosecution party, nor for that matter, the defense party; nor had any faction of any of the parties the temerity to declare against the prosecution of those trapped in corruption, however vigorously opposed to the prosecution this or that faction might be. But each of the three parties did divide on the question of the election of Langdon and Taylor.
Broadly speaking, the supporters of the prosecution in all parties demanded that Taylor and Langdon be nominated. The opponents of the prosecution, while declaring loudly for the prosecution of all offenders against the law, labored for their defeat. On this issue, not always clearly defined, the intraparty factions met at the primary polls. The prosecution, therefore, had three independent political fights on its hands.
Langdon had been elected by the Union Labor party. Taylor was a Democrat. But in the confusion of the times the principal primary fight was within the Republican party.
The Republican opposition to those roughly described as “pro-prosecution,” found expression in the remnants of the old-time machine—generally called Herrin—element. At its head were many of the experienced machine leaders. The Republican pro-prosecution forces were at first without definite leadership. But in this emergency most effective leadership developed.