LI HUNG-CHANG [L.L.],
plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, senior tutor to the heir apparent; senior grand secretary of state; minister superintendent of trade for the northern ports of China; viceroy of the province of Chihli and earl of the first rank.

LI CHING-FONG,
plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, ex-minister of the diplomatic service of the second official rank.


CORRESPONDENCE IN CONNECTION WITH
THE WEI-HAI-WEI SURRENDER.

“HONOURED SIR,
“An unfortunate turn of events has made us enemies: but as the warfare of to-day does not imply animosity between each and all individuals, we hope our former friendship is still warm enough to assure Your Excellency that these lines, which we address to you with your kind permission, are dictated by a motive higher than that of a mere challenge to surrender. This motive is that of submitting to the calm consideration of a friend a reason for an action which seems to be truly conducive to the good of his country and of himself, although stress of circumstances might temporarily conceal this from him. To whatever cause the successive failures of Chinese arms on both sea and land may be attributed, we think Your Excellency’s sound judgement will not fail in assigning them to their true cause, which must be apparent to any unprejudiced observer. In China the literary class is still the governing section, and literary accomplishment is the chief if not the sole way to rank and power now as it was a thousand years ago. We do not venture to deny that this system is excellent in well be permanent and sufficient if China were to stand alone in the world. But national isolation is no longer a possibility. Your Excellency must know what a hard experience the Japanese empire had thirty years ago, and how narrowly she escaped the awful calamity which threatened. To throw away the old principle and to adopt the new, as the sole condition of preserving the integrity of your empire, is as necessary with your government now as it was with ours. The necessity must be attended to, or fall is inevitable sooner or later. That the crisis is being brought about by the Japanese arms is mere chance. It might have been caused by other political difficulties, which are equally destructive. Now at such a juncture is it the part of a truly patriotic man, upon whom the necessity of action devolves, to allow himself to be simply dragged along by force of circumstances? Compared with the re-establishment on a sound working basis of the oldest empire in the world, with its glorious history and its extensive territories, what is the surrender of a fleet or the loss of a whole army? If Your Excellency be truly patriotic and loyal to the cause of your country, we beg you to listen to the words of sympathetic hearts filled with the sense of honour representative of the fighting men of Japan; words which ask you to come and stay in Japan until the time arrives when your services shall be required for the good cause. Not to speak of the numerous instances of final success after temporary humiliation in your own history of the ancient dynasties, let me call your attention to the case of the French Marshal Macmahon, who allowed himself to be detained in the enemy’s land till it was expedient that he should return and aid in reforming the government, which instead of dishonouring him raised him to the presidency: or to the case of Osman Pasha whom the unfortunate event of Plevna did not prevent from subsequently filling the post of minister of war and rendering important services in reforming the army. As to the way in which Your Excellency may be received in Japan, let us assure you of the magnanimity of our sovereign. His Majesty not only pardoned his own subjects who fought against the imperial side, but even raised them to important positions according to their personal merits, as in the case of Admiral Enomoto, Privy Councillor Otori, and others. Surely he would be more magnanimous to one who is not his own subject, and whose glorious career is so well known to the world. The great problem with Your Excellency now is whether to submit to the great calamity which must be the inevitable consequence of further adherence to the old principle, or to survive it for the sake of future reform. We know it is the custom of your officials to meet any communication from an opponent with a pride designed to show consciousness of strength or to conceal weakness, but we hope Your Excellency will understand that the present communication is not made without due consideration of the vast interests at stake, but that it is the outcome of the truest sincerity and of feelings which should lead to the realisation of those interests, and we hope you will kindly consider it in that light.

“Should the present communication meet with your approval, the carrying out of its import will, with Your Excellency’s permission, be arranged through further communications, and we have the honour to be, etc., etc.

Signed: Count Ōyama,
Signed: Admiral Ito.

20th January, 1895.