The Governments of Europe

by Frederic Austin Ogg

Footnote 322: Art. 5. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 328.[(Back)]

Footnote 323: Art. 7. Dodd, I., 329.[(Back)]

Footnote 324: Arts. 9 and 24. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 330-333. It should be observed, however, that the members of the Bundesrath are authorized to appear in the Reichstag, not for the purpose of advocating a measure which the Bundesrath has enacted, or would be willing to enact, but simply to voice the interests or demands of their own states.[(Back)]

Footnote 325: Art. 77. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 350.[(Back)]

Footnote 326: Art. 76. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 350. On the Bundesrath see Howard, The German Empire, Chap. 4; J. H. Robinson, The German Bundesrath, in Publications of University of Pennsylvania, III. (Philadelphia, 1891); P. Laband, Das Staatsrecht des deutschen Reiches, §§ 27-31; A. Lebon, Études sur l'Allemagne politique, 137-151; Dupriez, Les Ministres, I., 505-523; Zorn, Das Staatsrecht des deutschen Reiches, I., 136-160; E. Kliemke, Die Staatsrechtliche Natur und Stellung des Bundesrathes (Berlin, 1894); A. Herwegen, Reichsverfassung und Bundesrat (Cologne, 1902).[(Back)]

Footnote 327: The term, originally three years, was made five by a law of 1888. The modification went into effect with the Reichstag elected in February, 1890.[(Back)]

Footnote 328: In Conservative East Prussia the average number of voters in a district is 121,000; in Socialist Berlin it is 345,000. Twelve of the most populous districts represented in the Reichstag contain 1,950,000 voters; twelve of the least populous, 170,000. The district of Schaumburg-Lippe has but 9,891.[(Back)]

Footnote 329: Art. 25. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 333.[(Back)]

Footnote 330: By reason of the multiplicity of parties the number of second ballotings required is invariably large. In 1890 it was 138; in 1893, 181; in 1898, 185; in 1903, 180; in 1907, 158; and in 1912, 191. It is calculated that the effect of forty per cent of the second ballotings is to prevent the election of the candidate obtaining originally the largest number of votes. The arrangement operates to the advantage principally of the National Liberals, the Radicals, and other essentially moderate parties, and to the disadvantage especially of the Social Democrats. On this subject see A. N. Holcombe, Direct Primaries and the Second Ballot, in American Political Science Review, Nov., 1911.[(Back)]

Footnote 331: Art. 29. Dodd, Modern Constitutions, I., 333.[(Back)]