The noble lord’s answer showed me, more than anything I have said up till now, what were the thoughts which exclusively obsessed him.
Lord Granville was not embarrassed by my question. He thought one could simply get the votes of the yet unoccupied provinces, and that that would be enough to obtain a “Representation of the Nation.” I began to have less and less understanding of the Minister’s arguments, and carried away by feelings which I had difficulty in controlling, I answered with spirit: “No, M. le Comte, France will never hold Elections in such a manner.”
Did Lord Granville feel the bitterness of his proposal, or did he understand the uselessness of insisting on it? Whichever it may be, he answered me in roughly these words: “I understand. But let me see if I cannot convince you. As you do not want to have Elections without an armistice, and as the Conseils Généraux cannot serve for the composition of a Constitutional Assembly—you have explained the reasons and I quite understand them—then why have you not accepted an armistice? You say that you think twelve days might at a pinch be enough for the Elections. Then why do you not ask for a twelve days’ armistice?” Without waiting for my answer he went on to say: “Think well and look the facts in the face. Prussia could push her troops even further into France. She could occupy the whole country and would always be in the situation which is troubling us, that of not knowing with whom to treat for peace.” I think that at this point Lord Granville touched as it were on the possibility of restoring the Empire. To be more exact, he allowed me glimpses of a theory, timidly and in terms that were so vague that they have escaped my memory, that Prussia might very well come to the idea, failing a better one, of treating with the last Government which France had had.
And without waiting for my reply he continued: “France has given an exhibition of military courage which has aroused the admiration of the world, but there is also a civil courage which a great people must not neglect, and which is even greater and more admirable than military courage. You have done great things, but you must now have the civil courage which consists in recognising your true situation and in ceasing to sacrifice the precious blood of your children when such a sacrifice can no longer be of use.”
“M. le Comte,” said I, “I thank you sincerely for the expressions of admiration you have just uttered. Coming from you they have great value, but I believe that though you admire our military courage you take too black a view of the situation. We have not reached that point yet.
“Paris, wonderful Paris, the heart and the hope of France, has held out. She is on her feet and inflamed with the desire to defend herself, and she will defend herself for a long time yet. The great city is not yet ready for surrender, and the provinces are only beginning to awaken. In but a little while they will bring against Prussia, who is accustomed to the idea that there are no more soldiers in France, a young but enthusiastic army, and it will not be the first time that young French recruits have beaten the seasoned armies of Prussia. There is the truth. Military courage, therefore, is not yet useless. It is not yet beaten and need not yet hand over the fate of the country to that elder brother whom you have well called “civil courage.”
Lord Granville answered: “If you think your resistance can bring about a better result for you, you are right in continuing the struggle, however unequal it may be. But if this only serves to weaken the country even more, the men who have the fate of the nation in their hands are in duty bound to stop and not to ask for useless sacrifices from this courageous people. The resources of France are immense; we know it well. She will very quickly lift herself up from these temporary disasters.”...
M. de Beust, it will be remembered, had already expressed the same idea....
“Yes,” continued Lord Granville, “she will recover very quickly. Her elasticity is wonderful, but one must not put it to too severe a test. One must not break the springs.”
I found pleasure in hearing him speak in this manner, and I began to like his slow and well-weighed words, which so far had not given me much encouragement. Lord Granville had shown a certain warmth in admiring the resources and the “wonderful elasticity” of France. He finished by laying weight on his words: “Your Government’s responsibility in continuing the conflict is great, for the nation itself has not yet pronounced on the serious question: Does it want war to continue ad infinitum?