“Which means,” I said, “that you can do nothing?”
“Not so,” he answered. “But for the moment we can do nothing. Later on, when peace conditions are discussed, we will be able to intervene in the negotiations more successfully.”
“Later on!” I exclaimed. “Do you know what will happen later on, M. le Comte. Later on one of two things will happen; either we shall be victorious and we will push the Prussians back; that is what I hope, and then we will have need of no one; or we shall be conquered, and then you will dare to speak even less than now; at any rate, Prussia will then pay no more attention to your words than she does now. If you do not want to be condemned never to act, you must act now.”
Lord Granville answered: “I don’t want you to leave me under the slightest illusion on this matter. I have already said so to M. Thiers—we cannot deviate from the strict neutrality which we have observed till to-day.” He added that Prussia had long been complaining about England’s interpretation of neutrality in delivering arms to France and so prolonging her resistance. But he, Lord Granville, had answered that such had been England’s conduct since the beginning of the war, that her conduct was perfectly compatible with strict neutrality, and that she was not going to change it now, etc.
I answered: “Your reply, M. le Comte, is distinct and categorical, and I thank you for it. Only let me present one last consideration. It concerns the Eastern question. Have you nothing to fear on that side? Do you not think that France’s word will one day be useful and her help precious?
“You do not want to make war now, but perhaps you may be forced to make it later, and then you will be isolated and alone because you have abandoned France, your old friend and natural ally, in the hour of danger. Think of the future, M. le Comte! France has a future; she will recover from this war and she will be stronger, greater, and more powerful, because she has given proof of her wonderful vitality and energy in adversity. Our fleet will then be able to play a great rôle. If you abandon us now you may be alone in your turn when you are forced to take up arms and have need of an ally.”
“When we are forced to it,” said he, “well, we will take up arms and we will go to war....” But he said that England was not for the moment in this situation and consequently he did not see the necessity for changing her policy. His Government would never take the formidable decision of dragging the country into war without being absolutely obliged to do so.
He once more recalled the terms with which the last Session of Parliament had closed, and the terrible responsibility for a Government to precipitate a nation into the sufferings and miseries of war. Then, after some protestations of friendship towards France, he finished with these words:—
“I do not want to leave the slightest misapprehension in your mind, and would like to continue elaborating my ideas.” He then definitely laid down as it were into an unchangeable proposition, the reasons which he had indicated why it was impossible to change anything in the policy that England had observed up till now.
Our Interview was at an end. Only I did not want to leave Lord Granville without saying a word on the impossibility of restoring the Empire.