The term ‘folk-land’ occurs but thrice in our texts. It occurs in one law and in two charters. The one law comes from Edward the Elder[905] and all that it tells us is that folk-land is the great contrast to book-land. Folk-land and book-land seem to cover the whole field of land tenure. Possibly this law tells us also that while a dispute about folk-land will, a dispute about book-land will not, come before the shiremoot:—but we hardly obtain even this information[906]. Then we have the two charters. Of these the earlier is a deed of Æthelbert of Kent dated in 858[907]. The king with the consent of his great men and of the prelates gives to his thegn Wulflaf five plough-lands at Washingwell (aliquam partem terrae iuris mei) in exchange for land at Marsham. He declares that the land at Washingwell is to be free from all burdens save the three usually excepted, the land at Marsham having enjoyed a similar immunity. The boundaries of Washingwell are then stated. On the west it is bounded by the king’s folk-land (cyninges folcland) which Wighelm and Wulflaf have. So much for the deed itself. On its back there is an endorsement to the following effect: ‘This is the land-book for Washingwell that Æthelbert the king granted to Wulflaf his thegn in exchange for an equal amount of other land at Marsham; the king granted and booked to Wulflaf five sullungs of land at Washingwell for the five sullungs at Marsham and the king made that land at Marsham his folk-land (“did it him to folk-land”) when they had exchanged the lands, save the marshes and the salterns at Faversham and the woods that belong to the salterns.’ Now this deed teaches us that there was land which was known as ‘the king’s folk-land,’ and that it was in the occupation of two men called Wighelm and Wulflaf, the latter of whom may well have been the Wulflaf who made an exchange with the king. The endorsement tells us that when the king received the land at Marsham he made it his folk-land, ‘he did it him to folk-land.’
The will of Alfred the Ealdorman.
The other charter is of greater value. It is the will of the Ealdorman Alfred and comes from some year late in the ninth century[908]. He desires in the first place to state who are the persons to whom he gives his inheritance and his book-land. He then gives somewhat more than 100 hides, including 6 at Lingfield and 10 at Horsley, to his wife for her life, ‘with remainder,’ as we should say, to their daughter. More than once he calls this daughter ‘our common bairn,’ thus drawing attention to the fact that she is not merely his daughter, but also his wife’s daughter. This is of importance, for in a later clause we hear of a son. ‘I give to my son Æthelwald three hides of book-land: two hides on Hwætedune [Waddon], and one at Gatatune [Gatton] and therewith 100 swine, and, if the king will grant him the folk-land with the book-land, then let him have and enjoy it: but if this may not be, then let her [my wife] grant to him whichever she will, either the land at Horsley or the land at Lingfield.’ Such are the materials which must provide us with our knowledge of folk-land.
Comment on Alfred’s will.
We must examine Alfred’s will somewhat carefully. The testator has a wife, a son, a daughter. He leaves the bulk of his book-land to his wife for life with remainder to his daughter. For his son he makes a small provision (only three hides) out of his book-land, but he expresses a wish that the king will let that son have the folk-land, and, if this wish be not fulfilled, then that son is to have either ten or else six hides out of the book-land previously given to the wife and daughter. We see that, even if he gets these few hides, the son will obtain but a small part of a handsome fortune. ‘If the king will grant him the folk-land’—this may suggest that a man’s folk-land will not descend to his heir. But another, and, as it seems to us, a far more probable explanation is open. The son is ‘my son,’ the daughter is ‘our common bairn.’ May not the son be illegitimate, or may not his legitimacy be doubtful, for legitimacy is somewhat a matter of degree? The ealdorman may have contracted a dubious or a morganatic marriage. We can see that he does not feel called upon to do very much for this son of his. He expresses a hope that the king as supreme judge will hold the son to be legitimate, or sufficiently legitimate to inherit the folk-land, which he does not endeavour to bequeath.
The king booking land to himself.
The king like other persons can have both folk-land, and book-land. We have just heard of ‘the king’s folk-land’: we turn to the important deed whereby King Æthelwulf booked land to himself[909]. Alms, it says, are the most perdurable of possessions; one ought to minister to the necessities of others and so make to oneself friends of the mammon of unrighteousness; therefore I King Æthelwulf with the consent and leave of my bishops and great men have booked to myself twenty manses so that I may enjoy them and leave them after my death to whomsoever I please in perpetuity: the land is to be free from all tribute and the like, save military service and the repair of bridges. Then the description of the land thus booked is preceded by the statement: ‘These are the lands which his wise men (senatores) conceded to Æthelwulf.’ Now the full meaning of this famous instrument we can not yet discuss. To put it briefly, our explanation will be that over his book-land the king will have powers which he will not have over his folk-land; in particular he will have that testamentary power which will enable him to become friendly with the mammon of unrighteousness and secure those eternal mansions that he desires. But we have introduced this charter here because, though it says no word of folk-land, it forms an important part of the case of those who contend that folk-land is land belonging to the people[910]
The consent of the witan.
Another weighty argument is derived from the fact that there are but very few charters of the kings which do not in some formula or another profess that many illustrious persons have consented to or have witnessed the making of the deed. We have no desire to detract from the significance of this fact, still we ought to examine our documents with care. Such words as a charter has about ‘consent’ may occur in two different contexts. They may occur in close connexion with the words of gift, ‘the operative words,’ as our conveyancers say, or they may occur in the eschatocol, the clause which deals with the execution and attestation of the instrument. If we come across two deeds, one of which tells us how ‘I king Æthelwulf with the consent and leave of my bishops and great men give land to a church or a thegn,’ while the other says nothing of consent until it tells us how ‘This charter was written on such a day his testibus consentientibus,’ we must not at once treat them as saying the same thing in two different ways.
Consent and witness in the land-books.