During Buchanan’s administration a serious difficulty arose with the mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The superintendent of its interests at the time was the Rev. John Seyes; he was a man of considerable ability and force of character, but was highly opinionated; the mission had found that trade goods was the best means of remitting from their treasury in America to their stations in Africa; it was the ruling of the colony that goods necessary for carrying on the work of missions should be admitted free of duty; a difference arose between Governor Buchanan and Mr. Seyes in reference to the goods being introduced by the mission for trading purposes with natives—Buchanan holding, very justly, that free admission should be granted only for supplies for the personal use of missionaries. The undutiable goods introduced by the missionaries enabled them to undersell the colonial merchants, who had to pay the regular fees. The Governor was firm in his attitude and demanded that all goods which were to be used for trade purposes should pay their duties; the Colonization Society stood behind the Governor in his course; the community, however, was rent in twain—great excitement prevailed—and there were practically two parties, the Seyes people and the government supporters.
In 1840 it was evident that there was destined to be serious trouble with English traders settling in the neighborhood of the Mano River. On account of threatening complications, Buchanan sent an agent to England to inquire as to the purposes of such settlers and the attitude of the British Government in the matter. On September 3, 1841, Buchanan died at Bassa Cove. His death was a serious loss, but fortunately the man was ready who was competent to take up his work and carry it through to a successful conclusion.
This man was Joseph Jenkin Roberts, who was appointed Governor by the Colonization Society and who held the office for six years; at the end of that time the Society itself severed its relation to the settlements. Roberts was a mulatto; he was born in Virginia, in 1809; he went to Liberia in 1829 and at once engaged in trade; he was at the head of the Liberian force in its war against Gatumba. His six years of governorship were on the whole successful ones, although it was at this time that difficulties began with France. In 1842 the French Government attempted to secure a foothold at Cape Mount, Bassa Cove, Butu, and Garawé; this occurrence caused considerable anxiety, but the matter seemed to be finished without serious results; long afterwards this attempt was made the basis of claims which troubled the Republic. Roberts recognized the importance of strengthening Liberian titles to territory; he pursued an active policy of acquiring new areas and strengthening the hold of the Commonwealth upon its older possessions. John B. Russwurm was at this time the Governor of Maryland; Roberts consulted with him in regard to public policy, and between them they agreed upon the levying of uniform 6 per cent ad valorem duties upon all imports. During his governorship Roberts visited the United States; he was well received and made a good impression; as a result of his visit, an American squadron visited the coast of West Africa; difficulties, however, were brewing; Roberts found the English and other foreigners unwilling to pay customs duties; they took the ground that Liberia was not an actual government and had no right to levy duties on shipping and foreign trade. On account of its failure to pay duties, the Little Ben, an English trading boat, was seized; in retaliation the John Seyes, belonging to a Liberian named Benson, was seized and sold for £2000. Appeals were made to the United States and to the Society for support; the United States made some inquiries of the British Government; the American representations, however, were put modestly and half-heartedly; to them Great Britain replied that she “could not recognize the sovereign powers of Liberia, which she regarded as a mere commercial experiment of a philanthropic society.” It was clear that a crisis had been reached; the Society of course could do nothing; the American Government was timid in its support; if Liberia was to act at all, she must act for herself. Recognizing the situation, in 1846 the Society resolved that it was “expedient for the people to take into their own hands” the management of their affairs, and severed relations which had bound Liberia to it. The Liberians themselves called for a constitutional convention, which began its session the 25th of June, 1847; on July 26th the Declaration of Independence was made and the Constitution of the Liberian Republic was adopted. The flag consisted of eleven stripes, alternately red and white; the field, blue, bore a single white star. It is suggested that the meaning of the flag is this: The three colors indicate the three counties into which the Republic is divided; the eleven stripes represent the eleven signers of the Declaration and the Constitution; the lone star indicates the uniqueness of the African Republic.
Moreover, here is a wonder such as Solomon in all his wisdom conceived not of, when he said, “there is nothing new under the sun.” Here on Africa’s shores, the wilderness to which our fathers came but as yesterday, in ignorance, penury and want,—we have builded us towns and villages, and now are about to form a Republic—nay, nor was it thought of by the wise men of Europe and America.—H. J. R.
1847-1913.
The election was held in October, and Joseph Jenkin Roberts, the Governor of the Commonwealth, was elected to the new office of President of the Republic. One of his earliest acts was to visit Europe in order to ask the recognition of the new nation by European countries. The first to recognize the Republic was Great Britain; France was second. As it may be interesting to know just what powers have so far recognized Liberia as a nation, the list is presented in the order of their recognition, the date of recognition being placed within parenthesis:—Great Britain (1848); France (1852); Lubeck (1855); Bremen (1855); Hamburg (1855); Belgium (1858); Denmark (1860); United States (1862); Italy (1862); Sweden and Norway (1863); Holland (1863); Hayti (1864); Portugal (1865).
Of Roberts, Mr. Thomas, in his West Coast of Africa, says: “We called on President Roberts and family. Mrs. and Miss Roberts are most intelligent and interesting personages, speak English and French fluently, and are, in all respects, well bred and refined. I suppose that they have colored blood enough in them to swear by, but they might travel through every State in the Union without ever being suspected of having any connection with the sable progeny of Ham. Miss Roberts is a blue-eyed blonde, having light brown hair and rosy cheeks; yet she is a genuine African in the know-nothing sense of genuineness, having been born in the woods of Liberia. The Ex-President is tall and well proportioned, colorless in complexion—hope the reader can tolerate a paradox—but plainly indicating his African extraction by a very kinky head of wool, of which, his friends say, he is very proud. We have spoken of his official character. In intelligence and moral integrity he is a superior man, and in the interview of that morning displayed much of that excellence in conversation and elegance of manner that have rendered him so popular in the courts of France and England. The best evidence of his practical good sense was displayed in a visit, which he made a few years ago, to his colored relatives and his white friends in his native state of Virginia. In every circle he knew his place, and conducted himself in such a manner as to win great favor among bond and free.”
It was while he was in London, in 1848, that Mr. Roberts, at a dinner given by the Prussian Ambassador, met Lord Ashley and Mr. Gurley, and received from them promises of assistance for purchasing the land in the neighborhood of the Gallinhas River. He was well treated everywhere; he was received by Queen Victoria upon her royal yacht in April; the British Admiralty presented the Republic with a war vessel, the Lark; he was returned to Monrovia on the British war-ship Amazon. Roberts was re-elected president for two subsequent terms, holding office until the end of 1855. During his administration there were a number of disorders among the natives which needed settlement; thus, in 1850, the Vai, Dey, and Golah were quarreling; this was during the absence of the President. In March, 1853, Roberts, with 200 men, went to the region of Cape Mount in order to quiet the disturbance. The Grando War, in Grand Bassa, called for vigorous action, and Chief Grando continued to give trouble at intervals from 1850 to 1853. On the whole, the Roberts administrations were successful, and the country was greatly strengthened under his direction.
If Roberts was a mulatto, so light that he might easily have passed for a white man, his successor, Stephen Allen Benson, was black enough. This is amusingly brought out in an incident given by Thomas, which no doubt has some basis in fact, if it is not literally true. Thomas claims to quote a conversation between Capt. White of Virginia, while walking through Monrovia, and a former slave whom he had known as “Buck” (now “Col. Brown”). The Captain asked, “Which of the candidates for the presidency are you going to vote for?” “Oh, Benson, sir.” “Has not Roberts made you a good president?” “Oh, yes.” “He is a very smart man,” continued the Captain, “and much respected abroad. I think you had better vote for him.” “That’s all true”—Colonel becomes quite animated—“but the fac’s just this, Massa White; the folks say as how we darkies ain’t fitten to take care o’ oursel’s—ain’t capable. Roberts is a very fine gentleman, but he’s more white than black. Benson’s colored people all over. There’s no use talking government, an’ making laws, an’ that kind o’ things, if they ain’t going to keep um up. I vote for Benson, sir, case I wants to know if we’s going to stay nigger or turn monkey.”